Court Reports from Yesteryear

The petty court sessions of the 19th and early 20th century Ireland formed a cornerstone of the local judicial system. These sessions, typically held by justices of the peace (JPs), were central to rural and urban governance, providing a relatively accessible and cost-effective means of maintaining law and order within communities. The courts were key in addressing minor legal disputes and criminal matters. They dealt with a wide range of cases, from petty theft and public disturbances to civil disputes over debts and property. The courts had limited but significant powers in dealing with minor criminal and civil matters. These courts functioned as the lowest level of the judicial system in an Ireland under British rule. Their jurisdiction covered summary offenses, meaning cases were dealt with swiftly without a jury. In County Cork, there were regular petty court sessions in several locations – e.g. Cork City, Cobh, Midleton, Youghal and Castlemartyr. In the available records, which in entirety span over 100 years, there are 1,272 instances where a person from Ballymacoda was either a complainant or defendant. The vast majority of these – 1,179 – were heard at the petty sessions in nearby Castlemartyr and there is a wide range of complaints and offences captured. In this article, we will look at some of these court reports from yesteryear.

Some of the offences were extremely minor, and we may think somewhat laughable today. In a November 1879 case, Maurice McCarthy of Ballymacoda’s cause for complaint was ‘trespass of the defendants six cows in complainants garden at Ballymacoda on the 30^thOctober 1879’. The defendant in the case is John Hennessy of Ballymakeagh, and he was ordered to pay McCarthy six shillings and pay his costs. There are actually numerous examples of this offence of trespass of cows in the records.

Another example of a minor offence by today’s standards of what we may see appear before a court is the case of Michael Walsh, Knockadoon. The complainant in his case, Michael Driscoll, also of Knockadoon, stated that the defendant ‘did deposit a quantity of seaweed on the public road leading from Ring to Knockadoon’ which was a danger to the public. There was no appearance by the two men on the date of the case, June 19^th, 1885, so one can only postulate that they resolved their differences amicably.

*Charges against Michael Walsh of Knockadoon for leaving seaweed on the road, Castlemartyr sessions, June 19^th, 1885*

One of the most common offences occurring in the records is individuals being fined for drinking on a Sunday or the publican being fined for having been open when they should have been closed. An example of this is the petty sessions held on October 15^th, 1886. At these sessions Ellen Power was fined for ‘having her licensed premises at Ballymacoda open for the sale of intoxicating liquor on Sunday the 5^th December 1886’. Along with the publican herself, John Donohoe of Gortavadda, William Aher of Ballymacoda, Mary Lynch of Ballymacoda, and Mary Brien of Ballyfleming were fined for being present in Power’s public house on the same day. Interestingly, Ellen Power was fined one shilling for being open and one shilling costs, while the four customers who were present in the pub were given a larger fine of five shillings each and one shilling costs.

Another example of this offence in the records is the publican John Bransfield, who was fined twenty shillings for having his premises in Ballymacoda open on Sunday March 23^rd, 1890. Bransfield was before the court for the same offence again on December 23^rd of the same year, and again in May 1891.

*Charges against Publican John Bransfield, Castlemartyr sessions, April 1^st, 1890*

Another common occurrence in the court records is that of the defendant being drunk in public. An example of this is the case of Maurice Smiddy of Ballymacoda. At the October 18^th, 1887, sessions in Castlemartyr, he was fined 1 shilling for being drunk in Ballymacoda on October 5^th. He was also fined 1 shilling for costs. If he did not pay, he was to be confined to the County jail in Cork for 48 hours. The late 19^th and early 20^th century equivalent of drink driving is also common in the records. An example of this is the case of Michael Gumbleton of Knockadoon, who at the petty sessions held on November 2^nd, 1897, was charged with being ‘found drunk in the charge of a horse and car on the public road at Yellowford’. He was fined 2/6 and ordered to be committed to Cork prison if he didn’t pay.

Something else that is hugely common in the records of the petty sessions are cases where a complainant is seeking money which they are owed. The Petty Sessions (Ireland) Act of 1851 allowed for the recovery of small sums, and cases were often resolved swiftly compared to higher courts. Judgments could result in payment orders or even seizure of goods if the debtor failed to pay. One name that comes up quite a bit in this context is William Aher from Ballymacoda, who was a shoemaker. Over the course of at least fifteen years there are numerous examples of Aher having to use the petty sessions to obtain what he was owed for the work he had completed. The effectiveness of the petty sessions in recovering debts for individuals and businesses was mixed. On one hand, the courts provided a relatively quick and inexpensive means for creditors, such as landlords, shopkeepers, and tradespeople like William Aher, to pursue unpaid debts. However, enforcement was a major issue. Many debtors were simply too poor to pay, rendering court rulings ineffective. Sheriffs were responsible for enforcing debt collection, but in cases where the debtor had no assets, the creditor was left without recourse. Historians such as Fergus Campbell (Land and Revolution: Nationalist Politics in the West of Ireland, 1891–1921) have noted that the system often favoured landlords and wealthier individuals, making it less effective for poorer claimants trying to recover money from equally impoverished debtors. As a result, while the petty sessions provided a legal avenue for debt recovery, their actual success depended heavily on the financial circumstances of the debtor and the efficiency of local enforcement mechanisms.

At the sessions of August 22^nd, 1879, there are several cases relating to ‘unjust measures’ and ‘unjust weights’. Ballymacoda Publican Philip Walsh was fined for having ‘one unjust and illegal measure’ on his premises. The spirit measure in question also had to be forfeited. Publicans in nearby Mogeely, Michael Hartnett and Thomas Kenefick, were also fined on the same day for the same offence. Ballymacoda shopkeeper Martin O’Driscoll was fined the same day for having ‘two unjust weights’ in his possession. There are also defendants from Ladysbridge, James Thompson and William Coughlan who were fined for having unjust weights in their possession. The complainant in all these cases is the same – RIC Constable Terence Prendergast of Castlemartyr. One can only assume that he made it his business to visit local pubs and shops and perform checks on the measures and weights in question.

*Example of a charge against a Ballymacoda Publican for having illegal spirit measures*

People from Ballymacoda also show up in the records of other petty court sessions held throughout Cork. An example of this is John Cronin from Ballymacoda, who appeared at the Kinsale sessions on September 5^th, 1896. He was listed as a ‘R. N. Reserve man’ (member of the Royal Navy Reserve) and was charged with being found drunk in the public street in Kinsale on August 22^nd, 1896.

In tracing the stories of Ballymacoda’s inhabitants through the petty court sessions, we catch a glimpse of both the ordinary and extraordinary elements that shaped daily life in late 19th and early 20th century Ireland. These courts were more than just a forum for settling small-scale disputes; they played a pivotal role in preserving social order at a grassroots level. Offences ranged from the trivial – like trespassing cows or seaweed left on the road – to the more universally recognized issues of public drunkenness and not paying one’s debts. The petty sessions enabled ordinary people, such as shoemaker William Aher trying to recover unpaid bills, to seek redress without the expense and complexity of higher courts. Yet the system, under the governance of justices of the peace and local constabulary, reveals much about power balances in rural communities. Often, wealthier individuals and landlords had an advantage, both in bringing lawsuits and securing a favourable outcome. Meanwhile, the poorer segments of society – those who might have little to no assets – faced legal rulings they could hardly afford to honour. Still, the very existence of these sessions offered residents an alternative to vigilantism and personal retribution, encouraging negotiation and, at times, informal resolution.

Today, these records stand as a fascinating archive of local history. They illuminate how government, law, and ordinary people interacted in a rapidly changing Ireland. By examining cases from disputes over livestock to the regulation of alcohol, we gain not only a window into the practical workings of petty courts but also a richer understanding of the social fabric that held communities like Ballymacoda together.

References & Further Information

Ireland, Petty Session Court Registers, 1818-1919

Fergus Campbell, 2005, Land and Revolution: Nationalist Politics in the West of Ireland, 1891–1921

Moses Cull – Death of a Coastguard

One of the most rewarding aspects of local historical research is uncovering stories that are little known and bringing them to a wider audience before they fade from memory. This is one of those stories. It tells the sad tale of the death of a young man, Moses Cull, who was a member of the coastguard in Ballymacoda in the 19^th century, and the profound impact that his death had on his family.

Moses Cull was born in Kenton, Devon in the Southwest of England on July 5^th, 1854. He was the son of John and Ann Cull. The 1871 England Census, taken in April of that year, captures the then 16-year-old Moses with the rank of ‘Boy 2^nd Class’ serving aboard the HMS Impregnable. This was his initial rank since signing up for service on October 8^th, 1870. According to his official naval record, he signed a ‘Continuous Service’ engagement with the Navy on his 18^th birthday – July 5^th, 1872 – committing to 10 years of adult service. The 1881 England Census again captures Moses, this time serving aboard HMS Invincible with the rank of ‘Able Seaman’.

His Navy record confirms that he initially served as a boatman in the coastguard in Youghal, from July 10^th, 1882, to November 21^st, 1882, when he was transferred to the ‘Knockadoon’ coastguard station, which as we know was located in the townland of Ring, but referred to as the Knockadoon station.

During the nineteenth century it was very common for Royal Navy sailors to transfer into the coastguard, as the service was placed under Admiralty control between 1856 and 1923 and relied heavily on naval manpower. Although the coastguard remained a distinct organisation, in practice it functioned as an extension of the Navy: experienced ratings were routinely posted to coastal stations, could be recalled to sea service when required, and continued to accrue naval pensionable time. For many long-serving sailors, coastguard duty offered a more stable and often more prestigious shore-based role, particularly attractive to married men with families. The naval record of Moses Cull seems to reflect this typical pattern of movement between shipboard service and coastguard appointments.

The timing of Moses’s move to the coastguard in Ballymacoda in November 1882 coincided with his marriage – he married Mary Ellen Stack (b. 1859) on October 19^th at St. Finbarr’s Cathedral in Cork. And this may not be a coincidence – the marriage allowed Moses to move out of the coastguard lodgings in Youghal where single men lived, to the coastguard cottages in Ring that were reserved for married men and their families. One unusual aspect of the marriage for the time was that Moses was a Protestant and Mary was a Catholic, which may give weight to the hypothesis that the marriage was somewhat arranged, and beneficial to Moses as we have seen in moving to more expansive lodgings. Their first born child John George Cull was born in the coastguard cottages in Ring on August 22^nd, 1883.

As we have seen when I have previously written of the coastguard in Ballymacoda, there was a coastguard presence in the area for nearly 100 years, and Moses was to continue to serve in the Ballymacoda unit up to his tragic death in early November 1884.

The details of the story of his death can be garnered from the numerous newspaper reports of the time, and the details of the inquest which was carried out a few days later on Saturday November 8^th. At the inquest, the station officer at Ring, John McCarthy, testified that he and four of the coastguards had gone to Youghal by boat on Monday November 3^rd. One newspaper report mentions that the purpose of their trip was to draw their monthly pay, for which they had to travel to Youghal. While they were there, a gale started up and they had no option but to leave the boat and make their way back to Ballymacoda over land. Having failed to procure a car, they decided to walk.

The inquest mentions that the men decided to ‘go by the ferry, at the mouth of the River Fanisk’. This location was essentially the crossing between Pilmore strand and what is known locally as ‘the spur’ at the tip of the strand in Ring. Crossing here would have significantly shortened the journey and would have allowed the men to then walk the beach home to the coastguard station in Ring.

Locally, I have often heard over the years of this being commonly used as a crossing to shorten the journey from Youghal to Ballymacoda, but local knowledge was essential to successful navigation, and the crossing had to be completed in the correct place with the tides just right.

*The crossing between Pilmore and Ring Strand, at the mouth of the River Dissour*

McCarthy, the station officer, testified that the men, a little fatigued from the journey, sat down to rest, and Moses Cull decided to proceed onward. He was soon followed by the other men, now rested. When they got to the crossing, they searched for him in the dark of the night and called his name, but he was nowhere to be found. On reaching the coastguard station in Ring and having discovered he had not made his way home, they conducted further searches. However, no trace of Moses was found until the next morning, when his body was located on the beach at Ring. The other coastguard men believed that he lost his way in the dark of the night, and ‘getting into deep water, was drowned’. This was confirmed through examination of the body by the Admiralty Surgeon, Dr JJ Curran, who testified at the inquest that he found that death was caused by drowning.

*Reporting of the incident, this from the Waterford Standard – Saturday November 8^th, 1884*

The jury at the inquest returned a verdict in accordance with this medical testimony, and confirmed that no blame was to be attached to anyone. The remains of Moses Cull were buried in the Protestant section of Kilcredan graveyard. His epitaph reads:

“Erected by his affectionate Wife in memory of Moses Cull H.M. Coastguard Service who died Nov 4 1884 aged 29 years”.

Note: While the epitaph mentions Moses was 29 years old at the time of his death, he was most likely 30 years old. His official Royal Navy service record lists his date of birth as July 5^th, 1854, making him 30 at the time of his death in November 1884.

*The grave of Moses Cull in Kilcredan Graveyard*

After the death of Moses, it must have been extremely difficult for his young wife. Mary was also pregnant with their second child, a girl, at the time of his tragic death. It is not known exactly when, whether it was directly afterwards or later, but Mary was to end up in the Home for the Protestant Incurables. The Home for the Protestant Incurables, located on Military Hill in Cork city, was one of several charitable institutions established in the nineteenth century to provide long-term care for those suffering from chronic illness, disability, or conditions deemed ‘incurable’ at the time. Supported largely by donations and church fundraising, the home offered accommodation, medical supervision, and basic comforts to Protestant men and women who were unable to support themselves and who fell outside the limited social welfare structures of the period. Although the term ‘incurable’ reflects the medical understanding of the era rather than the reality of many resident’s conditions, admission to such an institution often meant permanent separation from family and community. For individuals like Mary Cull, who entered the home following her husband’s death, it was both a refuge and a symbol of the profound social and economic vulnerability faced by widows in Victorian Ireland.

Mary was pregnant with her second child when Moses died, and the child was born in the home on July 2^nd, 1885. This provides evidence that Mary must have entered the home between early November after Moses died and July the following year when the child, Mary Frances Sarah Cull was born.

John, the first-born child of Moses & Mary had been taken in by the Moore family of Ring, Ballymacoda. They also took in Mary Frances Sarah Cull after she was born. The Moore’s were a Protestant farming family, and evidence of Mary being in their care is provided in the 1901 Census of Ireland, where she is described as a ‘ward’.

Apparently, according to family lore, the children were told that their mother had died of a ‘broken heart’. She remained in the Home for the Protestant Incurables until she died there in 1893. Despite numerous research efforts, I have not yet been able to determine where Mary was laid to rest.

*1901 Census of Ireland record, showing Mary F Sarah Cull as a ward of the Moore family*

There is no trace of John Cull in the 1901 Census of Ireland – he followed in this father’s footsteps and joined the Royal Navy. Like his father, he served as a ‘boy’ initially from the time he joined up in 1898. He later saw action in WWI including at the Battle of Jutland aboard the HMS Phaeton. He retired from the Navy in 1922, by which time he had attained the rank of Lieutenant.

The 1911 England Census shows Mary Frances Sarah Cull living in the town of Gillingham in Kent. It records her occupation as ‘house duties’ and that she is single. She is recorded on the census document with one other woman present in the household – Flora Sybil Elizabeth William. She would later marry John George Cull and become Mary’s sister-in-law. Mary died in Gillingham on December 22^nd, 1957. She never married and her effects were left to her brother John according to the probate record.

*Probate record for Mary Frances Sarah Cull*

The story of Moses Cull, and of the family who survived him, is one of those quiet human tragedies that rarely make the history books yet shaped the lives of ordinary people in profound ways. His journey from Devon to Ballymacoda, from naval service to the coastguard, and ultimately to his untimely death on a dark November night attempting to make his way home, left a deep imprint not only on his young wife and children but on the community that bore witness to it. By piecing together these scattered records and memories, we can ensure that Moses, Mary, and their children are not lost to time. Their story, though marked by hardship and sorrow, forms an important thread in the wider tapestry of our local history.

References & Further Information

I am indebted to Peter Rolfe, who brought this story to my attention. Peter’s wife is the great-great-granddaughter of Moses Cull. Credit to Peter also for the picture of Moses Cull.

Devon Heritage, Devon-born crew members of HMS Invincible 1881, Devon Heritage, Available Online, (Accessed December 7th, 2025)

UK, Royal Naval Seamen Index, 1853 -1872 – Record for Moses Cull

1871 England Census

1881 England Census

Royal Navy Registers of Seamen’s Services, 1848-1939 – Records for Moses Cull and John George Cull

United Kingdom, Battle of Jutland Crew Lists, 1916 – Record for George Cull

England & Wales, National Probate Calendar (Index of Wills and Administrations), 1858-1995 – Record for Mary Frances Sarah Cull

Obituary for Flora Sybil Elizabeth Cull, Published in The Daily Telegraph, London, Greater London, England, Thursday, March 5th, 1970

1901 Census of Ireland

1911 England Census

Emigrant Stories: Catherine & John Clinnin

Rutland, Kane County, Illinois, USA

Catherine (née Long) & John Cullinane were a married couple from Ballymacoda who emigrated to the United States in the 19^th century. From humble beginnings, the Great Famine forced them to emigrate in 1847, and they were to eventually become owners of a large tract of farmland in Illinois. Their surname ‘Cullinane’ would go through various changes in spelling on official documents of the time as we shall see, with it ending up being spelt as ‘Clinnin’ by the time John & Catherine passed away. This was not uncommon for the time given the low literacy rates, with many people who could spell, spelling a name as it was pronounced and thus a surname evolving in such a manner.

Both John (known as ‘the red’) and Catherine were born in Ballymacoda – Catherine in 1815, and John in 1817. Catherine was the daughter of James Long & Catherine Lee. John was the son of James Cullinane and Ellen McCarthy. The Ballymacoda Parish marriage records show that John & Catherine were married on June 14^th, 1838.

*Marriage record for John & Catherine, June 14^th, 1838*

In 1847, during the worst year of the famine, John, Catherine and family emigrated to the United States. The year is corroborated by an entry in the 1900 United States Federal Census, in which Catherine, now living in her daughter’s household since John’s passing, confirmed her year of arrival in the United States as 1847. Their arrival in the United States in 1847 is also corroborated by the first trace of the family we find in America in the historical record – this is in the 1850 United States Federal Census.

The data in this census, three years after their arrival, shows John & Catherine living in the Grafton Township in McHenry County, Illinois. John’s occupation is recorded as farmer. This region, having recently been settled, was originally settled as a farming community. Fertile fields and dedicated labour by emigrants led to abundant harvests, enabling local farmers not only to supply nearby creameries but also to ship milk to processing plants in Chicago. Grafton lies in the southern part of McHenry County, bordered on the south by Kane County, on the east by Algonquin, on the north by Dorr, and on the west by Coral. In the 1850 US census, John & Catherine are recorded as having three children – Ellen, Hannah, and Catherine. Also noteworthy in their 1850 US census entry, is that their surname is once again misspelt, this time as ‘Clynnen’ – here we can start to see the progression in the morphing of the surname from ‘Cullinane’ to its final ‘Clinnin’ – with the latter still being used by the many descendants of John & Catherine today.

Fast forwarding ten years to the 1860 United States Federal Census, we find our next trace of the lives of John & Catherine. By this time, they are living in Rutland Township, in Kane County, a little south of where they were previously recorded as living in the 1850 census. John is again recorded as a farmer, and it is possible that the move south was due to better opportunities to procure land – his obituary refers to him owning 200 acres in that area by the time of his death. The obituary of their daughter Mary in 1910 also mentions that John & Catherine were ‘among the earliest settlers of Rutland township, obtaining their land from the government’. Their location remains the same in the 1870 United States Federal Census, and by this time five children are listed as present – Catherine (aged 21, a dressmaker), James (aged 19, a farm hand), Mary (aged 17, whose occupation was recorded as ‘housework’), and John (aged 13) and Margaret (aged 9), whose occupations were recorded as ‘at home’. The oldest children – Ellen and Hannah are not recorded in the 1870 US census entry, likely because they no longer lived at home and now had their own families.

Likely, John and Catherine began their American journey with little more than hopes, dreams, and the determination to build a better life for themselves and their family in America, having left the hardship and poverty of the famine at home in Ireland. As recent emigrants, they may have started by renting or labouring on smaller plots of land, gradually learning which crops thrived and which methods brought greater yields. Over time, thrift, steady work, and an astute sense for opportunity likely enabled them to increase their holdings and livestock and invest their profits back into the farm. The favourable farmland in their chosen destination, combined with economic demands for dairy products in nearby Chicago, would have provided them with both stability and prosperity. As they raised their children, tended to livestock, and steadily expanded their acreage, John and Catherine’s reputation as successful landowners grew. By the time of their deaths, they were no longer simply emigrants from Ballymacoda making a go of it in a new country, but rather respected, wealthy figures who had helped shape the community’s agricultural landscape and left a legacy that extended through multiple generations of their descendants.

John Clinnin died on July 3rd, 1884. His obituary, seen below, was carried in local newspapers, ensuring that news of his passing reached a wide audience in the surrounding community.

By this time, it was mentioned that he owned 200 acres of farmland and was worth $12,000, a considerable sum of money for that period. Such an amount would have placed him comfortably among the more affluent members of society, reinforcing the notion that his estate and possessions were well beyond the common standard of wealth. This notable financial standing, coupled with the substantial size of his landholdings, indicates that John Clinnin held an elevated position within the social and economic fabric of his era. It was also noted in his obituary that John had held public office as Commissioner of Highways for three years.

After John’s death, Catherine eventually went to reside with one of their daughters, a move that likely reflected the changing circumstances of her later life and the close-knit family ties that provided comfort and stability. Catherine’s obituary not only serves as a record of her passing but also offers significant data regarding the fate of the couple’s children. By the time Catherine died on August 10th, 1902, only four of their children were still alive, a poignant reminder of the era’s elevated mortality rates and the fragility of life on the American frontier. Both Catherine and John were buried in Saint Marys Cemetery in Huntley.

Furthermore, the obituary makes note of Catherine’s extensive lineage, citing a remarkable total of forty-nine grandchildren. One of these grandchildren, as we shall see later, was destined to play an especially notable part in preserving the family’s legacy, shedding further light on the enduring impact that these Ballymacoda emigrants had on their country of destination and the generations that followed.

Based on my research into John and Catherine Clinnin, it is likely that they were the ones who first introduced the ‘Clinnin’ surname to this region of America – as we have seen, this is a morphing of John’s original surname of ‘Cullinane’. There are countless examples of the generations that followed, right up to the present, using this surname. Another interesting find is that there is a laneway called ‘Clinnin Lane’ in the village of Huntley, just north of Rutland – I would be extremely surprised if this wasn’t named after a descendent of John & Catherine Clinnin from Ballymacoda.

*Clinnin Lane, in the village of Huntley, Illinois*

The descendants of John and Catherine’s son, James Clinnin, would find themselves closely tied to numerous significant historical conflicts. James married Jane Dougherty, a native of Nantucket, Massachusetts, on New Years Eve 1874.

Their first-born son, John Vincent Clinnin (grandson of John & Catherine), would go on to become a well-known figure in Illinois and the United States in general. He was heavily involved in the sport of boxing, being at one time chairman of the Illinois Boxing Commission and president of the National Boxing Association. He was also an accomplished lawyer, who became an Assistant US Attorney, and practiced law in Chicago. He also ran unsuccessfully for the position of Lieutenant Governor of Illinois in 1936 and 1940.

But it is his wartime service that is probably most notable. He had a distinguished service in the US Army – being awarded the highest honours possible – the Distinguished Service Medal, a Bronze Star, and a Purple Heart. He was Commander of the 130th US Infantry during World War 1 and ultimately attained the rank of Major General. He died in September 1955 and was buried in Arlington National Cemetery in Virginia with full military honours.

The son of John V. Clinnin, John Vincent Clinnin Jr., also served the United States, fighting with the US Marine Corps during World War II and the Korean War. He also received a Purple Heart and also had the honour of burial in Arlington National Cemetery in Virginia. There are not many father and son pairs in US history who have both received a Purple Heart.

It is truly remarkable to consider that the descendants of two emigrants from Ballymacoda established such a distinguished record of service in the United States. From the quiet beginnings of a modest farming endeavour to the eventual accumulation of expansive landholdings, their journey embodies the promise and opportunity that America offered to those Irish emigrants who worked hard and took risks. Over time, these individuals would become deeply entwined with major historical conflicts, their contributions helping to shape the broader narrative of the nation. Their story, spanning multiple generations as we have seen, highlights the resilience, adaptability, and community-minded spirit that our emigrants often carried with them as they wove their legacy into the very fabric of American history.

Seen below, an article that carried in the Northwest Herald, in Woodstock, Illinois on Sunday, August 23, 1998, regarding a large Clinnin family reunion – all descendants of John & Catherine who left Ballymacoda in 1847 to seek a better life.

*This carried in the Northwest Herald, Woodstock, Illinois, Sunday, August 23, 1998, Page 17*

References & Further Information

Ballymacoda Parish Records

1850 United States Federal Census

1860 United States Federal Census

1870 United States Federal Census

1900 United States Federal Census

Google Maps

Northwest Herald, Woodstock, Illinois, Sunday, August 23, 1998, Page 17

Jeremiah Shea – From Knockadoon to White Court

The more time I have spent delving into the stories of emigrants from Ballymacoda, the more firmly I am convinced that I have only begun to scratch the surface of the most interesting tales. It seems that, despite the passage of generations, only a small fraction of these remarkable stories has ever reached a wider audience, leaving countless individual journeys forgotten. One such journey belongs to an emigrant from Knockadoon, Ballymacoda – Jeremiah Shea – whose path in life took a truly unexpected turn. Far from the familiar coastline of East Cork, he found himself in the orbit of one of America’s most prominent figures, ultimately marrying a woman who was counted among US President Calvin Coolidge’s favourite cooks.

Two pieces of evidence in official United States documentation relating to Jeremiah point to a birth date of July 22^nd, 1892. These documents are his World War 2 draft card, and his US naturalization application. Jeremiah’s gravestone also lists his birth year as 1892. Jeremiah’s mother was Norah Shea, and she is listed as a widow in both the 1901 and 1911 Census of Ireland records. Norah lists 8 children, 7 of whom are still living in her 1911 census entry.

There is documentary evidence suggesting that Jeremiah enlisted in the Royal Naval Reserve as a young man and saw active service during the tumultuous years of World War 1, gaining firsthand experience of the global conflict that reshaped the European continent. His Royal Navy medal record indicates that he received the Star (1914 or 1914/15), the Victory Medal, and the British War Medal for his wartime service. After the war ended, like so many others he sought new opportunities beyond the shores of his homeland. In 1920, he made the transatlantic journey that would forever alter the course of his life, departing from Liverpool, and arriving in New York on November 11th. The vessel on which he travelled, the SS Suelco, carried him across the ocean at a moment in history still reverberating with the aftermath of war. Stepping onto American soil in the bustling port of New York marked the beginning of a new chapter, one that would see him integrate into a different culture, forge lasting connections, and lay the foundations of a life far removed from the rural Knockadoon origins of his youth.

Jeremiah worked as a caretaker at the estate of businessman Frank W. Stearns adjoining White Court, seen here on the right. Located on the coast in Swampscott, Massachusetts, White Court became then US President Calvin Coolidge’s ‘Summer White House’ in 1925. He and First Lady Grace Coolidge spent the warmer months of that year there, escaping Washington, D.C.’s summer heat and humidity, while still carrying out official duties. The estate’s name stems from its grand, white, columned façade, and it was one of several locations to which Coolidge would retreat during his presidency to rest and conduct presidential business in a more relaxed setting. It was while working as a caretaker that Jeremiah met his soon to be wife, Margaret Carr during the summer of 1925.

*White Court, Swampscott, Massachusetts*

Margaret Carr, like Jeremiah Shea, was an Irish immigrant. She had left Galway for the United States in early 1920. Margaret worked as a cook for the Coolidge’s at the White House in Washington, D.C. and was with them in White Court during the summer of 1925. There are references to Margaret being the President’s favourite cook. She had also worked as a cook for previous US President Warren G. Harding before he died in 1923, elevating then Vice President Coolidge to the position of President. Margaret and Jeremiah’s granddaughter recalls from family lore that President Coolidge was particularly fond of Margaret’s corned beef with cabbage, her beef stew and her apple pie. Margaret & Jeremiah were married on October 20^th, 1925, at the St Francis de Sales Church, Bunker Hill St. in the Charlestown neighbourhood of Boston. Margaret had resigned from her position as the Coolidge cook shortly before the wedding. The couple honeymooned in Bermuda. After returning they made their home at 58 Main St. Somerville, located directly to the northwest of Boston.

The wedding of these two Irish immigrants in the United States – Jeremiah from Knockadoon and Margaret from Galway – drew widespread attention due to their unique presidential connection and the circumstances under which they first met. In a time long before modern social media platforms and instantaneous news updates, their union nevertheless achieved a level of notoriety akin to the high-profile weddings we might see splashed across the feeds of prominent social media influencers today. Major newspapers like the Boston Globe and the Washington Times carried reports on their nuptials, demonstrating just how fascinated the public was with every detail of their story. After their marriage, the granddaughter of Jeremiah and Margaret recalls that they opened a restaurant aptly called ‘The White Court Lunch’ on Bunker Hill St. in the Charlestown neighbourhood of Boston, where the bestseller on the menu was President Coolidge’s beloved apple pie.

Jeremiah and Margaret had seven children, all born in Massachusetts – Jeremiah Jr (born 1926), Patrick (born 1928), Margaret (born 1929), Delia (born 1931), Timothy (born 1932), Johanna (born 1936) and Daniel (born 1937).

At some point, the family moved to 1 Snow Terrace in Somerville, just a few minutes away from their previous home. The 1940 Somerville city directory confirms the family living at this address, with Jeremiah’s occupation listed as chauffeur. The record of Jeremiah’s petition for US naturalization from November 9^th, 1942, also lists his place of residence as 1 Snow Terrace. As mentioned earlier, this record also confirms his birth date of July 22^nd, 1892, in Knockadoon. In addition, it confirms that he has never returned to Ireland up to this point.

*Clipping from The Washington Times, October 22nd, 1925*

Jeremiah Shea died in Plymouth, Massachusetts on June 27^th, 1980, aged 87. Margaret had predeceased him, having died in August 1977. Both were laid to rest in Vine Hills Cemetery, Plymouth, Plymouth County, Massachusetts.

The story of Jeremiah Shea and Margaret Carr is emblematic of the uncharted chapters in the wider emigrant narrative of Ballymacoda – an extraordinary reflection of how far an individual’s journey can stretch beyond our shores. Their odyssey underscores the resilience and fortitude of countless others whose stories remain hidden in archives or family lore, waiting to be pieced together.

From Jeremiah’s beginnings in Knockadoon and his wartime service, through Margaret’s migration from Galway and subsequent work in two presidential households, their shared trajectory draws a vivid line from Ireland to the heart of American political life. Their marriage and the success they found – whether through their connections to President Coolidge, the bustling restaurant they opened, or the large family they raised – demonstrate that the pathways carved by Irish emigrants often crisscross continents and history alike. In doing so, they remind us that for every familiar tale, there are countless more to discover, each deserving to be chronicled for the role it plays in the ever-evolving tapestry of our diaspora.

References & Further Information

Ireland, Civil Registration Births Index, 1864-1958

1901 & 1911 Census of Ireland

UK, World War I Pension Ledgers and Index Cards, 1914-1923

UK, Naval Medal and Award Rolls, 1793-1972

U.S., World War II Draft Registration Cards, 1942 for Jeremiah O Shea

Wikimedia Commons, Photograph of White Court

The Boston Globe, October 21st, 1925, Page 8, report on the wedding of Jeremiah Shea and Margaret Carr

U.S., City Directories, 1822-1995, Somerville, Massachusetts, City Directory, 1940

The Washington Times, October 22nd, 1925

Kai’s Coolidge Blog, available online – https://kaiology.wordpress.com/2010/09/20/a-coolidge-grace-that-is-dessert-recipe/

Massachusetts, U.S., State and Federal Naturalization Records, 1798-1950 for Jeremiah Shea

Spirits of the Past: The Historical Pub Trade in Ballymacoda Village

The Public Houses of Ballymacoda have long served as a welcoming haven for both residents and passing travellers, anchoring the social fabric of the area through every season and era. From the moment one crossed the threshold, the comforting glow of the lamplight spilling onto the street on a crisp evening beckoned, drawing people together to share both a freshly poured pint and the warmth of good company. For generations, the gentle hum of conversation, punctuated by raucous bursts of laughter combined with the faint aroma of peat from the fireplace to create an atmosphere that was both convivial and steeped in tradition. Indeed, these were not just places to enjoy a drink; before the age of modern conveniences, they were vital centres of social, economic, and cultural life, where neighbours and travellers alike exchanged news, stories, and customs. The public house likewise served as the gathering place where generations commemorated the passing of loved ones – a tradition that continues to endure today. In this article, we will delve into the historical roots of Ballymacoda’s pub trade, particularly from the mid-19th century onwards.

*McLoughlin’s (“Mac’s), early 20th century*

In the Cork Daily Herald on Saturday June 27^th, 1868, we learn that John Bransfield has applied for a spirit license in Ballymacoda. Bransfield is described as ‘a respectable young man; his father had lately set him up in business’. There is some evidence to suggest that Bransfield came to Ballymacoda from nearby Midleton, and that he and his wife Margaret raised a large family here (at least 8 children according to the 1901 Census of Ireland records). In this report of his license application, we learn that there are already four public houses in the village, and that the Head R.I.C. Constable from Youghal, Constable Golding, opined that another public house was not wanted in Ballymacoda. It is also mentioned in this report that the nearest police barrack is six miles away, which confirms my previous research on the RIC in Ballymacoda that a barracks did not exist at this time. So, here we have a solid reference that there were four pubs in Ballymacoda in the 1860s. Bransfield’s license application on this occasion was adjourned. Later, in October 1868, the Cork Examiner mentions that the application had been refused.

*Cork Daily Herald, Saturday June 27^th, 1868*

In April 1870, we learn from the Cork Examiner that Maurice Bransfield (likely the father of John) has now applied for a new license in Ballymacoda. Again, it is mentioned in the report of the court sessions that there are already four public houses in Ballymacoda and another is not needed. The application for a new license is once again rejected, with the resident magistrate, Mr. Dennehy, mentioning that ‘if one of the four gave up, the applicant would get a license’. What the magistrate described here would later become law under the Licensing (Ireland) Act, of 1902, a law that is still on the Irish statue book today – and means that no new licenses can be granted, only existing licenses transferred.

John Bransfield did eventually gain a license transfer – this is captured in the reporting from the Midleton Quarter Sessions in the Cork Constitution on November 1^st, 1889. We can gain further insight into this through the many reports from 1893 and 1894 in relation to John Bransfield’s bankruptcy around that time. The notice of the auction of Bransfield’s holdings, which mentions him as a being a Vintner and a Farmer, that appeared in many newspaper reports of his insolvency at the time mentioned that he held a licensed premises from Mary Gleeson year to year for £8. However, the license, as we shall see, was the license from Power’s public house.

In a report of proceedings at the local bankruptcy court carried in the Cork Constitution on November 17^th, 1893, we learn that the scenario of Bransfield’s license in Ballymacoda is complex. The license was originally held by Ellen Power, from whom Bransfield purchased it (the records of the Castlemartyr Petty Sessions confirm the existence of Power’s public house in Ballymacoda). However, as part of the license purchase, Mrs. Power was forgiven a sum of money she owed to Thomas S. Coppinger. Coppinger was a well-known and very wealthy merchant from nearby Midleton, and was the local agent of Cork city based brewery Beamish & Crawford. Further under the agreement, dated November 16^th, 1888, John Bransfield agreed that he would only deal with Coppinger for porter and ale, and that he would keep his licensed premises in Ballymacoda as a going concern. As part of Bransfield’s bankruptcy, Coppinger was making a claim on the license and his solicitors contended that whoever took over the premises should now be bound to the agreement with Coppinger and only do business with him for porter and ale. The judge in the case, Judge Neligan, reserved judgement, commenting what seemed like his dubiousness ‘that the house must always be used as a public house, and that the covenant should be operative, say, for fifty or a hundred years, long after Bransfield had ceased to exist’. Unfortunately, I have not been able to find further contemporaneous reports that confirm the judge’s final decision, but nonetheless this is very interesting.

The records of the Castlemartyr Petty Sessions are a valuable source of information with regards the public houses of Ballymacoda. These court sessions of the 19th and early 20th century Ireland formed a cornerstone of the local judicial system. These sessions, typically held by justices of the peace (JPs), were central to rural and urban governance, providing a relatively accessible and cost-effective means of maintaining law and order within communities. Several court reports from the records of the Castlemartyr Petty Sessions from the 1870s tell us that the public houses in Ballymacoda at that time were: Power’s, Cotter’s, Gumbleton’s and Walsh’s. There are many examples listing offences relating to public houses in Ballymacoda, which we can use to confirm their existence at specific times. An example of this is the petty sessions held on October 15^th, 1886. At these sessions Ellen Power was fined for ‘having her licensed premises at Ballymacoda open for the sale of intoxicating liquor on Sunday the 5^th September 1886’. Along with the publican herself, John Donohoe of Gortavadda, William Aher of Ballymacoda, Mary Lynch of Ballymacoda, and Mary Brien of Ballyfleming were fined for being present in Power’s public house on the same day. Interestingly, Ellen Power was fined one shilling for being open and one shilling costs, while the four customers who were present in the pub were given a larger fine of five shillings each and one shilling costs.

Another example of this offence in the records is the aforementioned publican John Bransfield, who was fined twenty shillings for having his premises in Ballymacoda open on Sunday March 23^rd, 1890. Bransfield was before the court for the same offence again on December 23^rd of the same year, and again in May 1891.

The Guinness Trade Ledgers (1860-1960) are another good source of information relating to public houses in Ireland. These ledgers were meticulously maintained by Guinness, capturing the essence of their sales and personnel records over a century. Entries were often handwritten during the earlier years, and as the years progressed, the ledger entries were typed. The entries for 1913-1918 which summarize the deliveries to Ballymacoda show three public houses receiving deliveries of Guinness during those years – E. A. McLoughlin, John O’Donoghue, and James Gumbleton. Interestingly there are no orders at all for 1913 in the ledgers, and I can find no records in the ledgers at all before 1914. Were all the pubs ‘Beamish houses’ before then I wonder? As we have seen when discussing John Bransfield earlier, we know that Thomas Coppinger acting as local agent of Beamish and Crawford had exclusivity in at least one pub in Ballymacoda.

In 1924, the ledger entries for Ballymacoda reveal deliveries of Guinness to Gumbleton’s, McLoughlin’s, and O’Donoghue’s pubs. Cotter’s appears from the 1925 ledger onwards which perhaps means that they didn’t stock Guinness before that. The quantities in the ledger entries are listed as ‘Hhds.’, short for ‘Hogshead’, which was a large wooden cask. According to Guinness, the capacity of one Hogshead was approximately 416 pints.

*1924 orders of Guinness to public houses in Ballymacoda*

To summarize our journey up to this point:

In the 1860s and 1870s we know based on newspaper reports of the license aspirations of John Bransfield that there were four public houses in Ballymacoda.
Combined with the records of the Castlemartyr Petty Court Sessions, we can ascertain that these were: Power’s, Cotter’s, Gumbleton’s and Walsh’s.
In the late 1880s John Bransfield acquired Powers from licensee Ellen Power.
The Guinness Trade Ledgers from 1913 tell us that there were deliveries of Guinness to O’Donoghue’s, Gumbleton’s and McLoughlin’s. Cotter’s also existed at this time but may not have stocked Guinness up to 1924 when those entries first appeared in the Guinness Trade Ledgers, or an alternative theory is that Cotter’s was closed and not operating as a public house for a period of time.

In terms of how the public houses of the 1860s evolved into the 20^th and 21^st centuries, it progressed as follows:

Cotter’s → Finn’s – the Finn family bought Cotter’s around 1984 and then opened it up as Finn’s Tavern in April 1986.
Walsh’s → McLoughlin’s → Daly’s – There are no McLoughlin’s living in Ballymacoda in the 1901 census. Edward McLoughlin Snr. came to Ballymacoda as an R.I.C. Constable (he was born in Co. Roscommon) – his entry in the 1911 census, showing him living in Ballymacoda mentions his occupation as ‘retired policeman’. In the same 1911 census data, his wife, Elizabeth McLoughlin’s occupation is listed as ‘publican’. This indicates that sometime between 1901 and 1911 the McLoughlin family bought Walsh’s public house. Dave Daly bought McLoughlin’s in 1990, and it remained open up until around 2010.
Power’s → Bransfield’s → O’Donoghue’s – I would posit that O’Donoghue’s may have acquired what was Power’s/Bransfield’s during the bankruptcy of John Bransfield. O’Donoghue’s stopped trading in 2011.
Gumbleton’s → Hopkin’s – Gumbleton’s became Hopkin’s and operated until the 1990s.

All but one public house are now sadly closed – since 2011, Finn’s Tavern has been the only public house in Ballymacoda. From these historical glimpses, it is clear that Ballymacoda’s public houses, which were once as numerous as the lamplights guiding travellers through the village, have evolved considerably over the centuries, transforming in name, ownership, and allegiance to breweries. Yet, through all the changes in licensing laws, economic fortunes, and personal family legacies, one abiding tradition remains: the central role of the pub as a communal gathering place, where residents mark life’s milestones, exchange stories, and nurture the tight bonds that define this close-knit community.

Though only Finn’s Tavern now stands to carry forward these customs, its continued presence in the heart of Ballymacoda ensures that the spirit of warm hospitality, once shared by many public houses, will hopefully endure for generations to come.

References & Further Information

Cork Daily Herald, Saturday June 27^th, 1868

1901 & 1911 Census of Ireland Records

Cork Examiner, Tuesday, October 6^th, 1868

Cork Constitution, November 1^st, 1889, Mention of license transfer to John Bransfield in report of Midleton Quarter Sessions

Cork Constitution, November 17^th, 1893, Details on John Bransfield’s Bankruptcy

Cork Constitution, March 22^nd, 1894, Details on John Bransfield’s Bankruptcy

Ireland, Petty Session Court Registers, 1818-1919

Ireland, Guinness Trade Ledgers, 1860-1960

Credit to Elizabeth and Gillian Hyde for the photograph of the Beamish delivery to Cotter’s

A Corpse for Sale – The Horror of the Famine

2025 marks 180 years since the onset of the Great Famine (an Gorta Mór), a tragedy that reshaped Ireland’s history and diaspora. The famine had a devastating impact on East Cork, reflecting the broader calamity that swept across Ireland. This catastrophic event was triggered by a potato blight, which decimated the crop that served as a staple food source for a significant portion of the population, estimated at roughly 3 million people in Ireland at that time. The famine led to widespread starvation, malnutrition, and a staggering increase in food prices, profoundly affecting our regions social and economic landscape. As families struggled to survive, the death toll soared, and many were forced to emigrate, resulting in dramatic demographic shifts that altered the community’s fabric forever. While emigration was the solution for some, not everyone had the means to emigrate, especially if that meant to America, where the cost of travelling across the Atlantic was prohibitive for the poorest of the poor people who were most impacted by the famine. While some assisted emigration schemes existed, for example the schemes financed by the Irish Poor Law Boards of Guardians, these schemes were not widespread or consistently available to all who needed them. Some landlords also contributed to the emigration costs of their tenants, but for vastly different reasons. In a few more benevolent cases, landlords genuinely wished to help tenants seek a better life overseas. More commonly, however, landlords viewed it as a cost-effective way to clear overcrowded and unprofitable estates by paying tenants passages to distant lands.

One of the most tragic stories that illustrates what the depths of the famine were like for those in East Cork who faced it, is that of a family from the townland of Ring in Ballymacoda attempting to sell the corpse of a 7-year-old boy, William Miller, in nearby Youghal, who had died from starvation in January 1847. The story of the inquest carried out into the incident appeared in numerous newspapers, including the Cork Examiner, and the details I present in this article are based upon reports from the time. The main people in the story as we shall see are:

Daniel Geran – the coroner in the case
John D. Ronayne – a chemist with a shop in the town of Youghal
Michael Mangan – a sub-constable of the Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC)
Richard C. Ronayne M.D. – a doctor in Youghal
Thomas & Johanna Miller – those attempting to sell the corpse of the boy

The inquest in Youghal was held on Friday January 29^th, 1847. The jury of twelve men that was sworn in were: William Walsh, Thomas Dee, John Forde, John Annour, Leonard Parker, Thomas Treacy, Patrick Brien, Edward Kelly, William Cunningham, Thomas O’Neill, Edward Condon and Thomas Garivan.

*Cork Examiner, Wednesday, 3rd February 1847*

The first witness to be called was the chemist, John D. Ronayne. He testified that he was in his shop in Youghal on the afternoon of Wednesday January 27^th, when a man, identified in court as Thomas Miller, came in and asked him if he wished to buy a corpse. Mr. Ronayne, taken aback, enquired about the gender and age and was told by Miller that the corpse was that of a boy and that he was aged 7 or 8. Ronayne and Miller were interrupted when Ronayne was called to his own house, and when he came back to the shop Miller was gone. However, on inspecting the street, Ronayne saw an RIC man, and alerted him to the situation.

RIC Constable Mangan was sworn in and testified that when another constable was giving him the prisoner Miller after he had been arrested post the encounter in the shop with Mr. Ronayne on the afternoon of January 27th, he observed a woman, identified in court as Johanna Miller, as standing close by. On her back, she carried a basket which was covered with a black cloak. On inspection of the basket, Mangan found the body of a child. At this point, Constable Mangan noted that the prisoner Thomas Miller started to state why he had brought the child for sale and said that the child he had reared for the last six years was ‘an illegitimate child belonging to his sister’, and that ‘his mother was in England’.

Next called to the stand, was the doctor Richard C. Ronayne. He testified that he was called upon to examine the body of a young child at the police barrack in Youghal, ‘doubled up in a basket, and covered with straw’. During his examination, the doctor noted ‘not a particle of food to be discovered in the stomach or intestines’, and ‘the total absence of a dispose or fatty matter’. The doctor’s harrowing conclusion was that the boy had died of starvation.

Thomas Miller was next to be called to the stand. Described as ‘a wretched, emaciated looking man’, I am sure he was fairly typical of the time when the poorest of the poor were starving. Miller, of Ring, Ballymacoda, then began his testimony to describe how this heartbreaking event had come about.

Miller, as he testified, had been employed by Mr. Gaggin of Greenland for the last 10 years, and since the onset of the famine, he had been receiving just eight pence a day, which was not enough to sustain his large family of six. He described struggling to feed his family, how his own malnutrition impeded his ability to do physical work, and mentioned having to beg for food from neighbors on occasion. He was forced to go begging to the Relief Committee in Ballymacoda and described how he had been brought by parish curate Rev. Eagar to the house of a woman in Ballymacoda who baked and sold bread and that he had been given two shillings worth of bread. In pure desperation for food, he also described his wife going out to cut Doolamaun (seaweed) and then boiling it with a little salt and eating it. The Miller family were living off this meal of seaweed in the days leading up to the death of the young boy. The references Miller makes here in his testimony to Mr. Gaggin of Greenland makes sense in the context of Ballymacoda. The Gaggin’s held extensive landholdings which they leased in the townland of Ring – much of which was a sublet of land which they had leased from the Marquis of Thomond, one of the main landlords in the area. Griffith’s Valuation of Ireland, completed for Cork in 1853, lists Gaggin’s extensive holdings in the townland of Ring. The newspaper clipping seen here also references the Miller’s home of Ring being ‘opposite Cable Island’, which was common spelling for ‘Capel’ Island at the time, so we can be sure the Millers were from Ballymacoda.

*Southern Reporter and Cork Commercial Courier, Tuesday, 2nd February 1847*

Thomas Miller’s wife, Johanna, was the last witness to be called at the inquest. Described as ‘a wretched looking poor woman, with a sickly infant at her breast’, she stated that the reason she was selling the corpse was ‘from want’. She recalled going to the landlord Gaggin and begging for a few turnips for her children to eat but being told that the last of them were in the boiler for the horses. Mrs. Miller described stealing some for her family to eat anyway and described how she would have ‘eat the cat from hunger’.

The Jury in the inquest having heard all the evidence ultimately returned a verdict of the boy having died of starvation.

I am certain that none of us today can truly imagine the scenario faced by the Miller family from Ring, Ballymacoda in 1847. They were driven to an insane act by pure desperation for food, and ultimately the desire for survival of themselves and their family. They, like so many others in East Cork and Ireland, had been entirely dependent on the potato to feed their large household and pay the rent. When the blight first arrived, they likely clung to what little savings they had, hoping the scourge would pass. But by the spring of 1847, nothing remained: the potatoes were spoiled, the livestock sold, the rent in arrears, and the children visibly wasting away from hunger.

This was during a dreadful period when the very fabric of rural Ireland seemed to tear at the seams, and a period that is certainly justified by its name of Black ’47.

References & Further Information

“So sad in themselves”: the impact of the Great Famine, RTÉ, available online at https://www.rte.ie/history/post-famine/2020/0909/1164237-so-sad-in-themselves-the-impact-of-the-great-famine/

Irish Potato Famine: A Tragic Chapter in Ireland’s History, History Cooperative, available online at https://historycooperative.org/journal/the-irish-famine/

Southern Reporter and Cork Commercial Courier, Tuesday, 2nd February 1847

Cork Examiner, Wednesday, 3rd February 1847

The Morning Chronicle, Thursday, 4th February 1847, Page 6

Ireland, Griffith’s Valuation, 1847-1864

From Stormy Seas to the Somme – The Jones Family Memorial in the Hill Cemetery

In the Hill Cemetery in Ballymacoda, there is a gravestone that commemorates Captain William Jones and other Jones family members such as his wife Annie, and his son Lieutenant Hugh M. Jones. The wording on this gravestone says that William Jones ‘perished at sea on March 22^nd, 1902’ and also indicates that he was the Master of the S.S. Athena. He was in fact an experienced master mariner with a long career at sea. There is some evidence to suggest that Annie Jones (née Shanahan) was born in Ballymacoda, a daughter of Michael and Mary (née Cleary) Shanahan. This may explain why the Jones plot is in the Hill Cemetery and not in Youghal where the family lived.

William Jones was born in Caernarvonshire, Wales in circa 1844-45. He went to sea as a youth and earned his master’s certificate by the 1870s. He served as a captain in the Liverpool-based Holt Line (which traded as Blue Funnel Line). By 1902, he was 58 years old and had decades of navigation experience, including familiarity with the Cape Horn and Strait of Magellan routes, the routes required to transit between the Pacific and Atlantic oceans at the time.

The home of William Jones and family in his later years was in Youghal, where the Holt Line had an office and where his family resided while he was at sea. The 1901 Census of Ireland shows Annie Jones and family residing at Friar St. in Youghal. Annie is listed as head of the household, and was very likely managing the family in her husband’s absence, with him away at sea. Born in 1859, four children are listed as being present in the census document: Bertram, aged 14, Hugh, aged 13, Henry, aged 11, and Margaret, aged 9. The household also included a servant, Catherine Keeffe. The family identified as Roman Catholic.

*1901 Census of Ireland entry for the Jones Family in Youghal*

Like many turn-of-the-century steamers, the S.S. Athena of which Captain William Jones was the master, was engaged in global trade routes. In early 1902, the Athena had been voyaging in the Pacific, and by March she was returning with cargo from Chile back toward the Atlantic. Because the Panama Canal did not yet exist (it would not open until 1914), ships transiting between the Pacific and Atlantic oceans had to brave the far south. One common route was through the Straits of Magellan, a navigable but complex passage through the Chilean Patagonia archipelago. Captain Jones chose this route (as opposed to the even more perilous Cape Horn) for the homeward voyage. This route, while offering some shelter from the open ocean, required threading through narrow channels dotted with islands and hidden rocks in an area often lashed by harsh and unpredictable weather.

On March 22^nd, 1902, the Athena was wrecked. The ship encountered severe storm conditions and struck a submerged rock. According to survivor accounts, the Athena foundered in about half an hour after the collision. There was little time to send a distress call or organize a prolonged damage control; the crew had to immediately abandon ship as it became clear the steamer would sink. The wreck had a high loss of life. Approximately 20 of the 31 people on board were killed. Only 11 survivors (all crew members) managed to escape in a lifeboat and were later rescued and brought to Punta Arenas, Chile. The other lifeboat, under Captain Jones, capsized in the heavy seas, drowning all aboard.

*Report of the wreck of the Athena, carried in The Savannah Morning News, April 3^rd, 1902*

After enduring the storm and drifting in the lifeboat, the remaining survivors were eventually sighted and picked up by a vessel. Details of the rescue are sparse in press reports, but it is recorded that 11 survivors from Athena’s crew were “landed at Punta Arenas” (the principal city of the Magallanes region) sometime after the wreck. At Punta Arenas, the survivors would have been received by local authorities and the British consul. It was from there that news of the disaster was telegraphed to the wider world. The survivors were given care after their harrowing ordeal; however, even among those 11 landed, some were in dire condition (it is implied the four who died of exposure passed before or just after the rescue, leaving 11 alive at landing).

Once in Punta Arenas, the men likely gave statements that formed the basis of inquiry into the wreck’s cause. From there the surviving crew eventually made their way home. This remote town in 1902 was a coaling station and hub for ships transiting the Strait, so passage back to Europe or at least to a larger port would be arranged, possibly on another British ship or via steamers to Montevideo or Buenos Aires. The disaster was widely reported in newspapers and maritime records of the time. News dispatches from South America described the wreck’s location and the fate of the crew. Survivor testimonies indicate the wreck was caused by navigational peril in a storm, rather than human error, given the treacherous waters.

Tragically, having gone down with the Athena, Captain Jones would never return to Cork – his body was not recovered. Today this gravestone in the Hill Cemetery in Ballymacoda stands in his memory and in memory to the story of the tragic end of the S.S. Athena.

*Probate granted with regard to William Jones, his entire estate going to his widow Annie*

Also commemorated on the Jones gravestone in the Hill Cemetery, is the son of Captain William Jones, Lieutenant Hugh M. Jones who was killed in action during the First World War. He was born on July 12^th, 1888, and according to the 1901 Census of Ireland records as we have seen earlier, the then 13-year-old Hugh Jones lived at Friar Street in Youghal with his mother and siblings.

At the age of 15, Hugh embarked on a seafaring career, beginning as an apprentice aboard the square-rigged ship Greta in January 1904. His maritime journey continued in July 1905 when he joined the Eagle Brag, eventually achieving the rank of Able Seaman. By 1908, he was serving on the steamer Leno, from April to July of that year. Hugh’s dedication to his maritime profession was further evidenced when he earned his Second Mate’s certificate in Liverpool on October 9th, 1908. At that time, he listed his residence as “c/o Miss Forbes, Carlingford Street, Liverpool”. His official record described him as 5 feet 10 inches tall, with a dark complexion, light brown hair, and grey eyes.

Tragedy struck the family in March 1911 when Hugh’s mother passed away in Youghal, aged just 54. Her estate, valued at £1,342, was divided between her family. Nonetheless, Hugh’s maritime qualifications continued to progress. He obtained his First Mate’s Certificate in July 1911. In August 1913, he applied for his master’s certificate.

Before the outbreak of the First World War, Hugh was serving with the Holt Line, the same well-known Liverpool-based shipping company that his father had been employed with for many years before his death at sea. However, he soon decided to change course, leaving the sea to pursue a military career. Possibly due to his family’s connection to Liverpool through the Holt Line, he was commissioned as an officer in the 19th Battalion of The King’s Liverpool Regiment.

*‘Youghal Man Gets a Commission’, Cork Weekly Examiner, Saturday October 31^st, 1914*

Hugh’s service in France began in November 1915 in the position of Battalion Signaling Officer. He was killed in action on July 30^th, 1916, during the Battle of the Somme. His body was not found and identified after the war; however he is commemorated on the Thiepval Memorial, and on a plague in the Hill Cemetery in Ballymacoda.

Lieutenant Hugh M. Jones’s story is one of quiet determination, professional accomplishment, and ultimate sacrifice. From his early days as a seafarer to his decision to serve his country in a time of great need, his life reflects both the adventurous spirit and deep sense of duty that defined his generation. Though he now lies without a known grave – his name etched on the Thiepval Memorial in France, on the family headstone in the Hill Cemetery in Ballymacoda, and on a WW1 memorial plaque in the same cemetery – serve as poignant reminders of a young life cut short by war.

*News of the death of Hugh M Jones, Liverpool Daily Post, Monday August 7^th, 1916*

There is a final interesting link between the Jones family and Ballymacoda that is worthy of mention. Annie Jones, the daughter of Captain William Jones & Annie Jones, and the sister of Hugh M. Jones married Justin Condon from Youghal. Their daughter, Annie Condon, married William Hennessy, native of Ballymacoda, and the noted ‘candy king’ of Cambridge & Boston in Youghal, on 24th January 1925.

References & Further Information

Historic Graves, CO-THBM-0003, record for the Jones Grave at the Hill Cemetery Ballymacoda

The Savannah Morning News, April 3^rd, 1902

1901 Census of Ireland Records

Liverpool Pals Memorial Pages, Entry for Lieutenant Hugh M. Jones

‘Youghal Man Gets a Commission’, Cork Weekly Examiner, Saturday October 31^st, 1914

Commonwealth War Graves Commission, Entry for Lieutenant Hugh M. Jones

News of the death of Hugh Jones, Liverpool Daily Post, Monday August 7th, 1916

William Hennessy, the ‘Candy King’ of Cambridge & Boston, Ballymacoda History Project, April 16^th, 2021

The Coastguard in Ballymacoda

This is a draft chapter from my upcoming book – ‘The Ballymacoda History Project – Volume II’

Note: An earlier version of this draft made the case that the station attacked in 1867 was the station at Ring – this version doesn’t draw a conclusion based on the available evidence.

Early References

There was a coastguard presence in the Ballymacoda area for almost 100 years. The First Edition Ordnance Survey of Ireland (OSI) maps, show a reference to a ‘Coast Guard Watch’ near the location of where the coastguard station and cottages were later built in the townland of Ring. These maps were surveyed between 1829 and 1841, so it would suggest that this was the location of a coastguard presence even before the station and coastguard cottages as they exist today were built.

*First Edition OSI Map (1829-1841) showing location of a ‘Coast Guard Watch’ in Ring*

The later edition OSI map series (25-inch) show the coastguard station and cottages in the present location in Ring. This series of maps was surveyed between 1897 and 1913.

*OSI 25-inch map series vs. recent satellite imagery*

On both editions of the maps, a ‘Coast Guard Dock’ is noted. Today this would be near the slip down to Ring Strand.

In the first edition OSI maps, a ‘Coast Guard Flag Staff’ is also present in the townland of Knockadoon (Warren), but there is no mention of an actual coastguard station in that location on either these first edition maps, or later versions. However, there is evidence of this location being thought of locally as the location of an actual coastguard station, such as a report carried in the Evening Echo in May 1979 as we shall see later.

*‘Coastguard Flag Staff’ in the first edition OSI maps in the townland of Knockadoon (Warren)*

As we shall see, there is some confusion over the location of the coastguard station which was attacked by the Fenian’s during the 1867 rising – was it the station in Ring, or the station in Knockadoon (Warren)?

The first reference we find to the coastguard station and cottages being built in the townland of Ring is in August 1865, when the tender to construct them was published in newspapers of the time by the Office of Public Works. The tender covered the construction of a coastguard watch house, a boat house, a residence for the Chief Boatman, and a set of cottages for four men and their families. Interestingly and perhaps leading to some confusion, the coastguard station is referred to as being ‘Knockadoon coastguard station’, even though technically we know it is in the townland of Ring.

*Tender notice appeared in the Cork Constitution on Saturday August 19^th, 1865*

As we saw earlier, there is corroboration of a coastguard presence in Ballymacoda even before this in the OSI maps. Lewis’s Topographical Dictionary of Ireland, published in 1837, is another source which lists a coastguard station as being present in the parish of Kilmacdonagh, but doesn’t list a specific location. There is evidence of a Preventative Water Guard being based in Ballymacoda as early as the year 1823. This force, established in 1809, was essentially a British customs agency, and was tasked with combating the widespread smuggling that plagued coastal regions during this period. This force played a crucial role in safeguarding trade revenues by patrolling shorelines and intercepting contraband, particularly in areas like Ballymacoda and its surrounds, where the rugged coastline and proximity to key trade routes made it a hotspot for illicit activities. As a precursor to the coastguard, this force laid the groundwork for more organized and structured maritime law enforcement in the decades to come.

*Seizure of tobacco by the Preventative Guard in Ballymacoda, Belfast Commercial Chronicle, November 1823*

We can gain some insight into the day-to-day life and duties of the coastguard in Ballymacoda by delving into the numerous newspaper accounts from the late nineteenth century. These reports document everything from routine patrols and rescues to less common incidents where the coastguards were pressed into service as mediators or peacemakers. One particularly noteworthy callout occurred in 1883, when a group of coastguards found themselves summoned to a Knockadoon fishing boat to break up a lively brawl. The crew, it seems, had enjoyed an exceptionally successful day catching salmon but, in their enthusiasm, celebrated a bit too freely and became rowdy after one drink too many. This story highlights the multifaceted role of the coastguard: not only were they responsible for maintaining maritime safety and carrying out rescues, but they were also sometimes called upon to keep the peace. Another function of the coastguard was to salvage any valuable cargo from ships that had been wrecked, before the locals got to it!

*Dublin Daily Express, Friday June 29^th, 1883, Page 7*

The 1867 Fenian Raid

A coastguard station in Ballymacoda, is of course most famously referenced as being raided for arms by Peter O’Neill Crowley and the Fenians during the 1867 uprising. As we have seen when I have written previously of O’Neill Crowley and the Fenian’s, the coastguard station was raided on the night of Shrove Tuesday, March 5^th, 1867, as part of the general Fenian uprising. Some newspaper reports of the time even refer to this raid in Ballymacoda as being the first action of the rising in Cork. The objective of the raid by the Fenians was to secure arms, which they did. They also took the coastguards on duty as their prisoners, before releasing them sometime later unharmed. Later, the coastguards on duty that night were called to the trial of the men involved in the raid, including John McClure and Thomas Bowler Cullinane, to identify them and give evidence.

As I alluded to earlier, there is some apparent confusion as to which coastguard station was actually raided by the Fenian’s – in some references (which we will discuss accordingly), the coastguard station is referred to as being located in ‘Knockadoon (Warren)’, and in some ‘Knockadoon’. Confusion arises here, as anyone with local knowledge will be aware that these are two completely different townlands.

The Evidence for Knockadoon (Warren)

The book ‘Heritage Centenary Sites of Rebel County Cork’, published by the Heritage Unit of Cork County Council is one of the sources that refers to the station raided by the Fenian’s as being in the townland of Knockadoon (Warren). This book even contains a picture that purports to show ‘probable location of the coastguard cottages in the townland of Knockadoon Warren’. Another reference to the coastguard station being in the townland of Knockadoon (Warren), as opposed to Knockadoon/Ring is found in two articles of the Journal of the Cork Historical and Archaeological Society, one from 1969, and one from 1988, both by the same author, Walter McGrath. In both articles, it is mentioned when referring to David Joyce and Thomas Bowler Cullinane that the men “had raided Knockadoon-Warren coastguard houses under Peter O’Neill Crowley…”. However, the author gives no reference for this point. Yet another reference for the station being in Warren is contained in an article in the Evening Echo in May 1979. In this article, the same author mentioned above, Walter McGrath, travelled to Ballymacoda and met with local men Dave Ahern, Luke Beausang, and Martin Cunningham who brought him to the location in Warren where they believe the station existed. Martin Cunningham also shared a sketch that he had created earlier showing the coastguard station as he had remembered it as a boy in 1912:

The Evidence for Ring

Meanwhile, the National Built Heritage Service of Ireland is one of the sources that mentions Ring as the site of the Fenian raid. It records the coastguard station at Ring in its records, and mentions it as being the ‘site of a Fenian ambush in 1867’. There is further evidence that the station attacked was the station at Ring in this excerpt from an article in the Morning Post, published in London, a few weeks after the rising:

“Meantime the Ballymacoda column, consisting of some 60 or 70 farmers, farmers’ sons, and farm labourers, with here and there a small tradesman or an artisan from Youghal, had turned out and marched on the Knockadoon coastguard station. Knockadoon is a wretched little collection of hovels down the hill side at Knockadoon point, one of the headlands entering Youghal bay. A large new handsome coastguard station has been built on the side of the hill, and, it is worth noting at this moment, in such a situation that the whole range of the building is entirely commanded by the upper part of the hill at its back; but this building is not yet inhabited. The old station was a little thatched cottage, lying below the level and close to the road, and in which the chief boatman and his wife lived.”
The Morning Post Saturday, March 23rd, 1867, Page 6

If we consider the above in the context of the coastguard station in Ring – the description of the location, the mention of the station being ‘entirely commanded by the upper part of the hill at its back’, and also the mention of the station being new and not yet occupied – then this description fits with it being the coastguard station at Ring. As we have seen earlier, the tender to build the station at Ring was published in 1865 – and it was built where there was already a coastguard presence. The ‘old station’ referred to in the newspaper excerpt above could be what existed as the coastguard presence in Ring, before and even still during the time when the new coastguard watch house and cottages were being constructed. Having trawled other contemporaneous newspaper reports on the attack on the station, there is zero mention of Knockadoon (Warren) or anything that might suggest that the attack happened on a station in that townland.

Conclusion

I am on the fence as regards which coastguard station was attacked, and have not been able to reach a solid conclusion based on the available evidence. There is evidence for both. If we go with the historical record – the contemporaneous newspaper reports, the OSI maps, then it suggests that the station attacked was in Ring, and was the predecessor to what existed there as a coastguard presence before and during the time when the new coastguard station and cottages were built. The OSI maps clearly and irrefutably show a coastguard presence in Ring from their earliest versions. The newspaper reports of the time fit with the location being Ring.

If we go with references from author Walter McGrath, and the Cork County Council book referenced earlier, then it would suggest that the station was in Knockadoon (Warren). The evidence referenced by both of these seems to have come from local knowledge which existed but now is unfortunately impossible to verify accurately. The OSI maps for the location in Warren never listed a coastguard station, only a coastguard flagstaff. A coastguard flagstaff was a specific structure – typically a tall mast – used for signaling purposes. By hoisting different flags or signals, the coastguards could communicate with ships at sea or other stations along the coast. It is possible that this signaling mechanism existing in the townland of Knockadoon (Warren) in isolation of any coastguard station. The location makes sense in that it would be visible by ships along much of the coastline.

The Men who Served

The first Census of Ireland that recorded the members of the coastguard in Ballymacoda was the 1901 Census of Ireland. As we have seen before, most all census records before this have been lost. Through analysis of the 1901 Census records, we can get a sense of who the men who served in the coastguard station in Ballymacoda at that time were. None of the men were locals – they were either from elsewhere in Ireland, or from England. There were five coastguard men and their families living in Ring at the time of the census. These men were:

William Foot, aged 35, born in England
George Chandler, aged 36, born in England
Thomas Dunne, aged 31, born in Co. Waterford
Jeremiah Mehigan, aged 39, Co. Wexford
Robert Denham, aged 46, born in England

Their service in the coastguard station in Ballymacoda is also confirmed by each of their service records in the Royal Navy Registers of Seamen’s Services. In addition to the household census returns (Form A) for the men, which give us full details on the men and their families, also present for the townland of Ring is the submission of a Form H. This was the specialized form intended for use by military and police barracks. In the case of the Form H submission for the coastguard station, correct procedure was followed in that only the first letter of the men’s first and last names is noted. However, as the initials on Form H match perfectly the five men listed above, there is no mystery to their identity.

*Entries on Form H for the Coast Guard Station in the 1901 Census*

One of the most tragic stories relating to the coastguards in Ballymacoda is the death of a young infant at the coastguard station in 1883. This story was carried in the newspapers of the time, and reports that the eighteen-month-old died from drowning whilst sailing a toy boat in a bucket of water. If we step back to consider that this child likely hasn’t been thought about by anyone for over 140 years – let us pause to acknowledge and honor their memory for a moment now.

*News of a tragedy at the coastguard station, carried in the Dublin Daily Express, Monday, December 17^th, 1883*

Closure

The closure of the coastguard station in Ballymacoda in November 1906 marked the end of an era for the local community – according to my research, there had been a coastguard presence in the area for up to 100 years at that point, including the presence of the predecessor to the coastguard, the Preventive Water Guard. Established to combat smuggling and ensure maritime safety, the station had been a fixture in the area for decades. Its closure was part of a broader reduction in coastguard services across Ireland and the United Kingdom during that period. Notably, in 1904, the Admiralty, under First Sea Lord Fisher, had already closed 35 coastguard stations as part of an economy drive, and by 1906, it proposed to close all remaining stations unless required specifically for Admiralty business. The news of the station’s closure was reported in contemporary newspapers, reflecting the significance of such developments to the public. The reduction in coastguard presence had implications for maritime law enforcement and search and rescue operations along the coast. The closure of the Ballymacoda station, along with others, signified a shift in British governmental priorities and resource allocation during the early 20th century. While specific details about the Ballymacoda station’s operations and the exact reasons for its closure may not be extensively documented, the broader context of coastguard reductions during this period provides insight into the challenges faced by coastal communities following the withdrawal of such essential services.

References & Further Information

Tender notice appeared in the Cork Constitution on Saturday August 19^th, 1865

Belfast Commercial Chronicle, November 8th, 1823, Page 4

The Morning Post Saturday, March 23rd, 1867, Page 6

1901 Census of Ireland

UK, Royal Navy Registers of Seamen’s Services, 1848-1939

The History of the NCI (Pre-1994), Available on the NCI Living History Website

Heritage Centenary Sites of Rebel County Cork, Heritage Unit of Cork County Council, 2016

Journal of the Cork Historical and Archaeological Society, 1969, Vol. 74, No. 219, page(s) 2031, Convict Ship Newspaper, The Wild Goose, Re-discovered, by Walter McGrath

Journal of the Cork Historical and Archaeological Society 1988, Vol. 93, No 252, The Fenians in Australia, by Walter McGrath

National Built Heritage Service, Record for the Coastguard station at Ring, Ballymacoda – available on https://www.buildingsofireland.ie/

Fight in a Fishing Boat, Dublin Daily Express, Friday June 29^th, 1883, Page 7

The Evening Echo, Article by Walter McGrath, May 4^th, 1979

Dublin Daily Express, Monday, December 17^th, 1883

Portsmouth Evening News, October 27^th, 1906

Researching the Ballymacoda Village RIC Barracks

The Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC) was a police force established in Ireland in 1822 to maintain law and order in the country during the period of British rule. In East Cork, RIC barracks were established in towns and villages throughout the region to provide a visible presence of British rule. These barracks were typically located in the center of towns and were often the largest and most imposing building in the area. The RIC barracks dotted around East Cork played a significant role in the region during the War of Independence (1919-1921) and the Civil War (1922-1923). They were often targeted by Irish Republican forces, who saw them as symbols of British oppression. Many RIC barracks were burned or destroyed during this period, as the Irish sought to rid ourselves of occupation.

Ballymacoda, like other towns and villages in the RIC Cork ER (East Riding) area had an RIC barracks for a period, which was located in an area we knew as kids as ‘the barrack‘, located on what is now farmland at the top of the village. However, piecing together the history of the RIC in Ballymacoda has been challenging, and I’m still not convinced I have the fully story. In this article, I’ll outline my research up to now.

The first edition Ordinance Survey of Ireland (OSI) Maps, created by the Royal Engineers between 1829 and 1842, have no mention of a barracks in Ballymacoda village. As these maps listed all major buildings, services etc. it is highly unlikely that a barracks existed in the village at the point at which Ballymacoda was surveyed. However, these maps show the area in which the barrack existed, including the building very likely to be the barrack building itself.

*First Edition OSI Map for Ballymacoda. Area in which the RIC barracks existed boxed in red.*

The first historical reference to an RIC barracks in Ballymacoda I have found is in fact the announcement of the intention to establish a station at Ballymacoda in November 1841, which carried in the Cork Examiner.

In 1847 and 1848, the Cork Examiner again provides mention of a barracks in Ballymacoda. But does this provide evidence that it was present at this point, or that the intention still existed for the establishment of a barracks? In both of these years, the same notice is published regarding the intention to place one constable and four sub-constables in Ballymacoda. The language is slightly different to the 1841 notice, in that it doesn’t explicitly mention the establishment of a station, and in fact could be read as a request to augment an existing RIC presence. However, I don’t believe the latter to be the case – I believe at this point there wasn’t a station established in Ballymacoda, but the intention existed.

*Cork Examiner, June 7th 1848. The same notice had appeared in 1847.*

The next documented reference to the RIC barracks in Ballymacoda is a mention in Griffith’s Valuation of June 1853 for the civil parish of Kilmacdonogh, Barony of Imokilly, which mentions a police barracks present in the ‘Village of Ballymacoda‘. However, I don’t believe this is referring to a barracks in the village – it may be referring to the house occupied by the Lynch’s which was also previously an RIC barracks.

*References to Police Barrack in Griffith’s Valuation, 1853*

My hypothesis that no barracks existed in Ballymacoda village at this point is backed by the events of the March 1867 Fenian Rising – if a barracks existing in the village, why didn’t the Fenian’s raid that for the arms they sought – they raided the Coastguard Station in Knockadoon instead? A police barracks present in the village at that time would surely have been raided. Researching for some references to prove my hypothesis, I finally found one – an explicit reference to Ballymacoda village not having a police barrack at the time of the 1867 rising, which is some evidence to prove that no station existed up to at least 1867, but as we have seen, the intention to establish a station existed for more than 20 years at this point.

*The Morning Post – Saturday 23 March 1867, which references no police barrack existing in Ballymacoda*

The 1901 Census of Ireland brings us to our first solid historical reference that proves the existence of the RIC barracks in Ballymacoda. This contains an entry for the inhabitants of the barracks in Ballymacoda. One interesting find here is that the occupants of the barrack on the night of the census seem to have filled out both ‘Form A‘ (the general household return form) and also ‘Form H‘, which was the specialized form intended for military and police barracks. Names on ‘Form H‘ contain first and last name initial only, presumably due to the sensitivity of the information. Since we also have ‘Form A‘ for the Ballymacoda barracks in 1901, we have the information of those that were stationed there in March 1901 when the census was taken, which can be seen below.

*Those serving at the RIC barracks in Ballymacoda in 1901*

The archives of the ‘Constabulary Gazette‘ also provide some information about the happenings at the RIC barracks in Ballymacoda and provide further proof of its existence. This was the accredited newspaper of the RIC and the Dublin Metropolitan Police, and was published weekly from 1897 to 1922. Amongst other content, it contained general news like crimes committed in specific localities, death notices of former RIC members, and details of station transfers. For example, below we can see Constable transfers between the barracks in Ballymacoda and Killeagh.

*Examples of Constable transfers from the ‘Constabulary Gazette’*

Perhaps one of the more interesting items found in the ‘Constabulary Gazette‘ relates to an inquiry held in regard to individuals at the Ballymacoda Barracks in 1902, with charges of drunkenness whilst on duty being weighed against a Constable Leahy, and charges of dereliction of duty against a Constable Griffin.

*Constabulary Gazette, November 22nd 1902*

According to the outcome of the case, published in the November 29th 1902 issue of the Gazette, Constable Leahy was fined £1 10s, and Constable Griffin was dismissed from the force. In a subsequent update on the story, published in the Gazette in December 1902, Constable Griffin later emigrated to South Africa.

*Constabulary Gazette, December 20th 1902*

So when did the RIC barracks in Ballymacoda cease to exist?

There is some conflicting evidence here. Numerous newspapers (including the Cork Examiner) carried the below report of the station being closed in the summer of 1909. This also referenced the station was closing after ‘a period of twelve years‘, which would indicate that it opened in 1897.

*News of the Ballymacoda barrack closure, May 1909*

The 1911 Census of Ireland contains no entries for a barrack in Ballymacoda, as it did in 1901 as we have seen earlier. This would seem to indicate solid evidence that the barrack was closed by 1911, and indeed may have closed in 1909 as reported by the Cork Examiner and others.

One puzzling piece of evidence that conflicts with this, is that the last edition of the historic Ordinance Survey of Ireland (OSI) maps, as with earlier maps, show the location of the police barracks in the village – however since this is referenced as a Garda station, this would have to have been after 1923. After the Civil War and the July 1921 truce, the RIC was disbanded, and a new police force was established, initially called ‘The Civic Guard‘ before being renamed Garda Síochána na hÉireann on August 8, 1923. This may be an error, for example an assumption being made that a barracks still existed at this site based on earlier maps.

*Last Edition of the Historic OSI Maps referencing a Garda Station in Ballymacoda*

Another conflicting piece of evidence, is that much later, in 1932, there is a mention in a Dáil Éireann debate on Wednesday, 20th April 1932 by Cork South East Fine Gael TD, Brooke W. Brasier, of “…a number of reductions in Civic Guard barracks. A barrack at Ballymacoda has been done away with, and I believe a number of other reductions have been carried out by the ex-Minister for Justice.” One would clearly assume that the closure was recent to this statement being made in the Dáil, or this statement may have been made in error, there is no way to tell.

There is evidence that the reestablishment of a police barracks in Ballymacoda was desired. In the financial accounts of the Irish Department of Justice, there are references in the 1928-29 and 1931-32 accounts of this, with clear evidence of funding being sought for a new barracks in Ballymacoda (by then a barracks for An Garda Síochána). Both entries carry the note, ‘Work Postponed‘ with no funding allocated.

*Budget allocation for new barracks in Ballymacoda in the 1931-32 accounts of the Department of Justice*

Piecing together the history of the RIC barracks in Ballymacoda has proven challenging. From newspaper reports and official documents, we know that a barracks was desired in Ballymacoda as early as 1841. It seems likely that the barracks was not yet established by 1867; otherwise, it might have been targeted during the Fenian uprising. However, records confirm its existence in 1901, as shown in the 1901 Census of Ireland. Additional evidence appears in the RIC’s official publication, the Constabulary Gazette. Reports from the time suggest the barracks closed in 1909. While multiple sources confirm its presence, the precise timeline of its operation remains unclear.

References & Further Information

Ordnance Survey; First Edition; Six Inch to One Mile (1:10,560); County Cork, Sheet 78; Ballymacoda: Surveyed by Major Waters and Lieutenant Stace, Royal Engineers, under the direction of Thomas Larcom, Virtual Record Treasury of Ireland

Records of the Cork Examiner

Sir Richard Griffith’s Three Valuations of Ireland 1826-1864

National Archives of Ireland, Census of Ireland Records for 1901 and 1911

Archives of the Constabulary Gazette (1897-1922), National Library of Ireland

British Newspaper Archive

Dáil Éireann debate – Wednesday, 20 Apr 1932 Vol. 41 No. 3

Emigrant Stories: Thomas F. Russell

Taunton, Massachusetts, USA

Massachusetts emerged as a destination of choice for many Irish people in the 19th century due to numerous factors. Firstly, the state’s industrialization at that time offered many job opportunities, particularly in cities like Boston, where Irish immigrants found employment not only in the factories and the mills, but also in construction, domestic service, and the police and fire departments. In addition, Massachusetts had a well-established Irish American community that provided crucial support networks, including housing, work, and social connections, making the transition to a new country easier. The presence of the Catholic Church, which played a central role in Irish culture and identity, was also influential in attracting Irish immigrants to Massachusetts, where they freely practiced their faith. Thomas F. Russell from Ballymacoda was one of these such emigrants who made his way as a young man with his family to Massachusetts in the late 19^th century.

Born in Ballymacoda in 1866, Thomas was the son of Thomas G. Russell (1843-1909) and Elizabeth ‘Betsey’ Quinn (1837-1912). Sources have listed Thomas as being born in 1867, but the Ballymacoda Parish baptismal records prove that he was born in 1866, as is evident from the record of his baptism, listed as having occurred on October 16^th, 1866.

*Baptismal record for Thomas Russell, with the names of his parents Thomas & Betty clearly visible*

Even the gravestone of Thomas lists his birth year of 1867, but that does not seem to be correct based on the available parish records, which clearly show he was born and baptized in 1866. Thomas had five siblings – Elizabeth (1863-1942), Mary Jane (1864-1938), Michael (1869-1927), John (1871-1890) and Jeremiah (1874-1945). All were born before the family emigrated to the United States. The Russell family emigrated in 1882 when Thomas was about 15 years old, and settled in Taunton in Bristol County, Massachusetts, approximately 40 miles south of the city of Boston.

Thomas married Catherine ‘Kate’ Twiss in August 1890. At the time of their marriage, Thomas, aged 23, was a driver, and Kate, aged 20, was a mill operative. While from Providence, Rhode Island, Kate was the daughter of Irish emigrants Patrick & Kate Twiss. In the bustling streets of late 19^th century America, it must have been an exciting time for the young Thomas & Kate, as they embarked on their journey in life surrounded by a vibrant tapestry of their fellow Irish expatriates, forging a path into an unknown future, where dreams probably seemed boundless in the ‘land of opportunity’. Thomas and Kate had three children – Lillian (1891-1897), Gertrude (1893-1983), and Thomas Leo (1894-1918). Lillian, their eldest child, tragically died of Meningitis while still very young.

The 1900 United States Federal Census shows Thomas, aged 33, living at 10 Russell Street in Taunton and listed as the head of the household. There is anecdotal evidence that Russell Street, which survives to this day in Taunton, was named as such because of the large number of families with the surname ‘Russell’ living there, but that is hard to verify as a fact. Thomas’s parents lived at nearby 6 Russell Street.

*Today’s Russell Street in Taunton, Massachusetts*

In the same 1900 Census document, Thomas’s wife Kate is also listed in the household along with John Twiss (Kate’s brother), and Thomas and Kate’s children Gertrude, then aged 7, and Thomas Leo (seen below), then aged 5. Young Thomas would later fight and die during World War 1. The Census document mentions that Thomas is a naturalized US citizen, and has been 18 years in the United States, which confirms the family’s emigration from Ballymacoda in 1882. Thomas’s occupation is shown as ‘Cloth Room’, which likely refers to a specialized section within a textile mill or factory where a variety of activities associated with fabric manufacturing took place.

In the 1910 United States Federal Census, Thomas, wife Kate, and son and daughter Thomas Leo and Gertrude are listed as living at the same address of 10 Russell Street in Taunton. However, Thomas now lists his age as 40, which doesn’t tally with his entry in the 1900 Census, or his actual birth year of 1866. Thomas lists his occupation as ‘Foreman’ and under industry lists ‘Car Barn’. A ‘car barn’ at the time was a building where trams, railroad cars, or buses were stored and maintained.

As often happens in life, tragedy struck Thomas and family in 1912. In April of that year, his wife Kate passed away suddenly at their home on 10 Russell Street due to a cerebral embolism. The grief must have been overwhelming, but fate had more sorrow in store just a few months later. In August, Thomas faced another devastating loss when his mother Betsey also died. She was 75 years old and lived just a few houses away at 6 Russell Street. This must have compounded Thomas’s sorrow, especially since his father had already passed away three years earlier in 1909. The series of losses likely left a lasting impact on Thomas, as he coped with the absence of the closest members of his family in such a short span of time.

Two years later, in April of 1914, Thomas found hope and companionship once more by remarrying. His second wife, Johanna O’Keefe, shared a similar background, being an Irish emigrant herself. Johanna was the daughter of Michael and Bridget O’Keefe, who had also made the journey from Ireland in search of a better life.

Around this time, the world was on the brink of World War I, the global conflict ignited by a complex web of factors, including rising tensions among the European powers, militarism, and the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand of Austria-Hungary and his wife Sophie, Duchess von Hohenberg, in Sarajevo on June 28^th, 1914, by Bosnian Serb student Gavrilo Princip. America joined the war in 1917, and the Selective Service Act of 1917 required all American males aged 21-31 years (later 18-45 years) to register to be potentially selected for military service. Thomas Leo Russell fell into this age bracket and was required to register in the draft. At the time he was working as a silversmith for the Reed & Barton company in Taunton (Taunton was known as the ‘silver city‘, due to it being a historic center of the silver industry beginning in the 19th century). He was selected for service in the draft and enlisted into the US Army as a Private on September 20^th, 1917, initially serving in Company F within the 302nd Infantry Regiment, which was part of the 76th Division. In February 1918, he was transferred to the 3rd Company of the March Automatic Replacement Draft at Camp Devens, a training and mobilization camp located in Massachusetts.

*WWI draft registration card completed by Thomas Leo Russell, his home address of 10 Russell Street in Taunton is clearly visible.*

Thomas Leo’s military record next indicates that he started training within the 2nd Infantry Training Battalion and later moved to the 7th Company within the 1st Infantry Training Battalion. On March 12^th, 1918, he was transferred oversees to France, as part of the 23rd Infantry Regiment, 2nd Division.

*Oversees Transfer Record for Thomas Leo Russell, Hoboken, New Jersey, March 1918*

Just a few months into his oversees service, Thomas Leo Russell was killed in action on July 1^st, 1918, during the Battle of Belleau Wood in Northern France, in which 1,811 United States soldiers were killed. He was buried in the Aisne-Marne American Cemetery nearby (Plot A, Row 2, Grave 6). Back home in Taunton, when Thomas Russell received the heartbreaking news that his only son had fallen in battle, he must have been engulfed by a sorrow so deep that words could hardly capture its depth. The future he had no doubt envisioned, brimming with dreams and aspirations for his child, was suddenly and irreparably shattered. The pain was undoubtedly compounded by the fact that his son was buried in France, with no possibility of repatriating the body. Knowing that his final resting place was so far from home must have added an additional layer of heartache.

*The death of Thomas L. Russell, reported in the Boston Globe on October 1st, 1918*

A few years later, in his entry for the 1920 United States Federal Census, it seems that Thomas again lists his age incorrectly, as 50 (younger than he is). In this Census, there is no mention of wife Kate – as mentioned earlier, she had passed away in April 1912, and Thomas had remarried Johanna. She is listed on the Census as Hannah. Thomas’s daughter Gertrude, now 26, is listed, now working as a grocery store attendant. In this census, young Thomas is also absent, having died during World War 1 as we have seen.

Thomas F. Russell died in Taunton on Monday March 28th, 1927. His obituary lists him as having died ‘following an illness of two weeks’ duration’. He was survived by his wife Hannah, and daughter Gertrude. He was buried in Saint Joseph Cemetery in Taunton, where his parents had been buried earlier. Hannah lived until 1955, and Gertrude passed away in 1983.

A long line of descendants from the Russell family, who emigrated from Ballymacoda in 1882, still resides in this part of the world today. The legacy of the Russell’s continues to thrive, with each generation no doubt maintaining the connection to their Irish roots. There is no evidence to suggest that Thomas ever returned to Ballymacoda during his lifetime. This raises a poignant question about whether any of his descendants have made the journey back to their ancestral homeland. It would be fascinating to know if any of them have traveled to Ballymacoda, perhaps to walk the same street their forebears once did. The idea of reconnecting with their heritage, experiencing the culture, and witnessing the land that their ancestors called home might be a compelling and emotional journey for the descendants of the Russell family.

*The gravestone of Thomas F. Russell, Saint Joseph Cemetery, Taunton*

Seen below, the grave of Thomas G. Russell and his wife Betsey in Saint Joseph Cemetery in Taunton, the parents of Thomas F. Russell. You can see the reference to Ballymacoda at the base, this was common at the time for emigrant graves to mention their home parish.

References & Further Information

1900 United States Federal Census

1910 United States Federal Census

1920 United States Federal Census

Ballymacoda Parish Baptismal Records

Haulsee, W.M., comp.. Soldiers of the Great War. Vol. I-III. Washington, D.C.: Soldiers Record, 1920.

U.S., Army Transport Service Arriving and Departing Passenger Lists, 1910-1939

U.S., Headstone and Interment Records for U.S., Military Cemeteries on Foreign Soil, 1942-1949

American Battle Monuments Commission, Details for Thomas L. Russell

Dad was finishing off names and addresses before I could read them out. Such a brilliant resource. Talking with my…

Thanks for reading Sally, and for the comment.

Hello It was delightful to read this article about my Great Great Grandfather "Red Mick". My sense of him as…

Wonderful article. I read it with much interest. My mother’s aunt was Mary (Cahill) Aher. Mamie was married to Thomas…

Hi Richard, thanks for the comment, and greetings from Ballymacoda. I recently received a copy of the land grand awarded…