Spirits of the Past: The Historical Pub Trade in Ballymacoda Village

The Public Houses of Ballymacoda have long served as a welcoming haven for both residents and passing travellers, anchoring the social fabric of the area through every season and era. From the moment one crossed the threshold, the comforting glow of the lamplight spilling onto the street on a crisp evening beckoned, drawing people together to share both a freshly poured pint and the warmth of good company. For generations, the gentle hum of conversation, punctuated by raucous bursts of laughter combined with the faint aroma of peat from the fireplace to create an atmosphere that was both convivial and steeped in tradition. Indeed, these were not just places to enjoy a drink; before the age of modern conveniences, they were vital centres of social, economic, and cultural life, where neighbours and travellers alike exchanged news, stories, and customs. The public house likewise served as the gathering place where generations commemorated the passing of loved ones – a tradition that continues to endure today. In this article, we will delve into the historical roots of Ballymacoda’s pub trade, particularly from the mid-19th century onwards.

McLoughlin’s (“Mac’s), early 20th century

In the Cork Daily Herald on Saturday June 27th, 1868, we learn that John Bransfield has applied for a spirit license in Ballymacoda. Bransfield is described as ‘a respectable young man; his father had lately set him up in business’. There is some evidence to suggest that Bransfield came to Ballymacoda from nearby Midleton, and that he and his wife Margaret raised a large family here (at least 8 children according to the 1901 Census of Ireland records). In this report of his license application, we learn that there are already four public houses in the village, and that the Head R.I.C. Constable from Youghal, Constable Golding, opined that another public house was not wanted in Ballymacoda. It is also mentioned in this report that the nearest police barrack is six miles away, which confirms my previous research on the RIC in Ballymacoda that a barracks did not exist at this time. So, here we have a solid reference that there were four pubs in Ballymacoda in the 1860s. Bransfield’s license application on this occasion was adjourned. Later, in October 1868, the Cork Examiner mentions that the application had been refused.

Cork Daily Herald, Saturday June 27th, 1868

In April 1870, we learn from the Cork Examiner that Maurice Bransfield (likely the father of John) has now applied for a new license in Ballymacoda. Again, it is mentioned in the report of the court sessions that there are already four public houses in Ballymacoda and another is not needed. The application for a new license is once again rejected, with the resident magistrate, Mr. Dennehy, mentioning that ‘if one of the four gave up, the applicant would get a license’. What the magistrate described here would later become law under the Licensing (Ireland) Act, of 1902, a law that is still on the Irish statue book today – and means that no new licenses can be granted, only existing licenses transferred.

John Bransfield did eventually gain a license transfer – this is captured in the reporting from the Midleton Quarter Sessions in the Cork Constitution on November 1st, 1889. We can gain further insight into this through the many reports from 1893 and 1894 in relation to John Bransfield’s bankruptcy around that time. The notice of the auction of Bransfield’s holdings, which mentions him as a being a Vintner and a Farmer, that appeared in many newspaper reports of his insolvency at the time mentioned that he held a licensed premises from Mary Gleeson year to year for £8. However, the license, as we shall see, was the license from Power’s public house.

Cork Constitution, March 22nd, 1894

In a report of proceedings at the local bankruptcy court carried in the Cork Constitution on November 17th, 1893, we learn that the scenario of Bransfield’s license in Ballymacoda is complex. The license was originally held by Ellen Power, from whom Bransfield purchased it (the records of the Castlemartyr Petty Sessions confirm the existence of Power’s public house in Ballymacoda). However, as part of the license purchase, Mrs. Power was forgiven a sum of money she owed to Thomas S. Coppinger. Coppinger was a well-known and very wealthy merchant from nearby Midleton, and was the local agent of Cork city based brewery Beamish & Crawford. Further under the agreement, dated November 16th, 1888, John Bransfield agreed that he would only deal with Coppinger for porter and ale, and that he would keep his licensed premises in Ballymacoda as a going concern. As part of Bransfield’s bankruptcy, Coppinger was making a claim on the license and his solicitors contended that whoever took over the premises should now be bound to the agreement with Coppinger and only do business with him for porter and ale. The judge in the case, Judge Neligan, reserved judgement, commenting what seemed like his dubiousness ‘that the house must always be used as a public house, and that the covenant should be operative, say, for fifty or a hundred years, long after Bransfield had ceased to exist’. Unfortunately, I have not been able to find further contemporaneous reports that confirm the judge’s final decision, but nonetheless this is very interesting.

The records of the Castlemartyr Petty Sessions are a valuable source of information with regards the public houses of Ballymacoda. These court sessions of the 19th and early 20th century Ireland formed a cornerstone of the local judicial system. These sessions, typically held by justices of the peace (JPs), were central to rural and urban governance, providing a relatively accessible and cost-effective means of maintaining law and order within communities. Several court reports from the records of the Castlemartyr Petty Sessions from the 1870s tell us that the public houses in Ballymacoda at that time were: Power’s, Cotter’s, Gumbleton’s and Walsh’s. There are many examples listing offences relating to public houses in Ballymacoda, which we can use to confirm their existence at specific times. An example of this is the petty sessions held on October 15th, 1886. At these sessions Ellen Power was fined for ‘having her licensed premises at Ballymacoda open for the sale of intoxicating liquor on Sunday the 5th September 1886’. Along with the publican herself, John Donohoe of Gortavadda, William Aher of Ballymacoda, Mary Lynch of Ballymacoda, and Mary Brien of Ballyfleming were fined for being present in Power’s public house on the same day. Interestingly, Ellen Power was fined one shilling for being open and one shilling costs, while the four customers who were present in the pub were given a larger fine of five shillings each and one shilling costs.

Another example of this offence in the records is the aforementioned publican John Bransfield, who was fined twenty shillings for having his premises in Ballymacoda open on Sunday March 23rd, 1890. Bransfield was before the court for the same offence again on December 23rd of the same year, and again in May 1891.

Charges against Publican John Bransfield, Castlemartyr sessions, April 1st, 1890

The Guinness Trade Ledgers (1860-1960) are another good source of information relating to public houses in Ireland. These ledgers were meticulously maintained by Guinness, capturing the essence of their sales and personnel records over a century. Entries were often handwritten during the earlier years, and as the years progressed, the ledger entries were typed. The entries for 1913-1918 which summarize the deliveries to Ballymacoda show three public houses receiving deliveries of Guinness during those years – E. A. McLoughlin, John O’Donoghue, and James Gumbleton. Interestingly there are no orders at all for 1913 in the ledgers, and I can find no records in the ledgers at all before 1914. Were all the pubs ‘Beamish houses’ before then I wonder? As we have seen when discussing John Bransfield earlier, we know that Thomas Coppinger acting as local agent of Beamish and Crawford had exclusivity in at least one pub in Ballymacoda.

In 1924, the ledger entries for Ballymacoda reveal deliveries of Guinness to Gumbleton’s, McLoughlin’s, and O’Donoghue’s pubs. Cotter’s appears from the 1925 ledger onwards which perhaps means that they didn’t stock Guinness before that. The quantities in the ledger entries are listed as ‘Hhds.’, short for ‘Hogshead’, which was a large wooden cask. According to Guinness, the capacity of one Hogshead was approximately 416 pints.

1924 orders of Guinness to public houses in Ballymacoda

To summarize our journey up to this point:

  • In the 1860s and 1870s we know based on newspaper reports of the license aspirations of John Bransfield that there were four public houses in Ballymacoda.
  • Combined with the records of the Castlemartyr Petty Court Sessions, we can ascertain that these were: Power’s, Cotter’s, Gumbleton’s and Walsh’s.
  • In the late 1880s John Bransfield acquired Powers from licensee Ellen Power.
  • The Guinness Trade Ledgers from 1913 tell us that there were deliveries of Guinness to O’Donoghue’s, Gumbleton’s and McLoughlin’s. Cotter’s also existed at this time but may not have stocked Guinness up to 1924 when those entries first appeared in the Guinness Trade Ledgers, or an alternative theory is that Cotter’s was closed and not operating as a public house for a period of time.
O’Donoghue’s, early 20th century

In terms of how the public houses of the 1860s evolved into the 20th and 21st centuries, it progressed as follows:

  • Cotter’s → Finn’s – the Finn family bought Cotter’s around 1984 and then opened it up as Finn’s Tavern in April 1986.
  • Walsh’s → McLoughlin’s → Daly’s – There are no McLoughlin’s living in Ballymacoda in the 1901 census. Edward McLoughlin Snr. came to Ballymacoda as an R.I.C. Constable (he was born in Co. Roscommon) – his entry in the 1911 census, showing him living in Ballymacoda mentions his occupation as ‘retired policeman’. In the same 1911 census data, his wife, Elizabeth McLoughlin’s occupation is listed as ‘publican’. This indicates that sometime between 1901 and 1911 the McLoughlin family bought Walsh’s public house. Dave Daly bought McLoughlin’s in 1990, and it remained open up until around 2010.
  • Power’s → Bransfield’s → O’Donoghue’s – I would posit that O’Donoghue’s may have acquired what was Power’s/Bransfield’s during the bankruptcy of John Bransfield. O’Donoghue’s stopped trading in 2011.
  • Gumbleton’s → Hopkin’s – Gumbleton’s became Hopkin’s and operated until the 1990s.
A Beamish delivery to Cotter’s

All but one public house are now sadly closed – since 2011, Finn’s Tavern has been the only public house in Ballymacoda. From these historical glimpses, it is clear that Ballymacoda’s public houses, which were once as numerous as the lamplights guiding travellers through the village, have evolved considerably over the centuries, transforming in name, ownership, and allegiance to breweries. Yet, through all the changes in licensing laws, economic fortunes, and personal family legacies, one abiding tradition remains: the central role of the pub as a communal gathering place, where residents mark life’s milestones, exchange stories, and nurture the tight bonds that define this close-knit community.

Though only Finn’s Tavern now stands to carry forward these customs, its continued presence in the heart of Ballymacoda ensures that the spirit of warm hospitality, once shared by many public houses, will hopefully endure for generations to come.

Gumbleton’s, early 20th century

References & Further Information

Cork Daily Herald, Saturday June 27th, 1868

1901 & 1911 Census of Ireland Records

Cork Examiner, Tuesday, October 6th, 1868

Cork Constitution, November 1st, 1889, Mention of license transfer to John Bransfield in report of Midleton Quarter Sessions

Cork Constitution, November 17th, 1893, Details on John Bransfield’s Bankruptcy

Cork Constitution, March 22nd, 1894, Details on John Bransfield’s Bankruptcy

Ireland, Petty Session Court Registers, 1818-1919

Ireland, Guinness Trade Ledgers, 1860-1960

Credit to Elizabeth and Gillian Hyde for the photograph of the Beamish delivery to Cotter’s

A Corpse for Sale – The Horror of the Famine

2025 marks 180 years since the onset of the Great Famine (an Gorta Mór), a tragedy that reshaped Ireland’s history and diaspora. The famine had a devastating impact on East Cork, reflecting the broader calamity that swept across Ireland. This catastrophic event was triggered by a potato blight, which decimated the crop that served as a staple food source for a significant portion of the population, estimated at roughly 3 million people in Ireland at that time. The famine led to widespread starvation, malnutrition, and a staggering increase in food prices, profoundly affecting our regions social and economic landscape. As families struggled to survive, the death toll soared, and many were forced to emigrate, resulting in dramatic demographic shifts that altered the community’s fabric forever. While emigration was the solution for some, not everyone had the means to emigrate, especially if that meant to America, where the cost of travelling across the Atlantic was prohibitive for the poorest of the poor people who were most impacted by the famine. While some assisted emigration schemes existed, for example the schemes financed by the Irish Poor Law Boards of Guardians, these schemes were not widespread or consistently available to all who needed them. Some landlords also contributed to the emigration costs of their tenants, but for vastly different reasons. In a few more benevolent cases, landlords genuinely wished to help tenants seek a better life overseas. More commonly, however, landlords viewed it as a cost-effective way to clear overcrowded and unprofitable estates by paying tenants passages to distant lands.

One of the most tragic stories that illustrates what the depths of the famine were like for those in East Cork who faced it, is that of a family from the townland of Ring in Ballymacoda attempting to sell the corpse of a 7-year-old boy, William Miller, in nearby Youghal, who had died from starvation in January 1847. The story of the inquest carried out into the incident appeared in numerous newspapers, including the Cork Examiner, and the details I present in this article are based upon reports from the time. The main people in the story as we shall see are:

  • Daniel Geran – the coroner in the case
  • John D. Ronayne – a chemist with a shop in the town of Youghal
  • Michael Mangan – a sub-constable of the Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC)
  • Richard C. Ronayne M.D. – a doctor in Youghal
  • Thomas & Johanna Miller – those attempting to sell the corpse of the boy

The inquest in Youghal was held on Friday January 29th, 1847. The jury of twelve men that was sworn in were: William Walsh, Thomas Dee, John Forde, John Annour, Leonard Parker, Thomas Treacy, Patrick Brien, Edward Kelly, William Cunningham, Thomas O’Neill, Edward Condon and Thomas Garivan.

Cork Examiner, Wednesday, 3rd February 1847

The first witness to be called was the chemist, John D. Ronayne. He testified that he was in his shop in Youghal on the afternoon of Wednesday January 27th, when a man, identified in court as Thomas Miller, came in and asked him if he wished to buy a corpse. Mr. Ronayne, taken aback, enquired about the gender and age and was told by Miller that the corpse was that of a boy and that he was aged 7 or 8. Ronayne and Miller were interrupted when Ronayne was called to his own house, and when he came back to the shop Miller was gone. However, on inspecting the street, Ronayne saw an RIC man, and alerted him to the situation.

RIC Constable Mangan was sworn in and testified that when another constable was giving him the prisoner Miller after he had been arrested post the encounter in the shop with Mr. Ronayne on the afternoon of January 27th, he observed a woman, identified in court as Johanna Miller, as standing close by. On her back, she carried a basket which was covered with a black cloak. On inspection of the basket, Mangan found the body of a child. At this point, Constable Mangan noted that the prisoner Thomas Miller started to state why he had brought the child for sale and said that the child he had reared for the last six years was ‘an illegitimate child belonging to his sister’, and that ‘his mother was in England’.

Next called to the stand, was the doctor Richard C. Ronayne. He testified that he was called upon to examine the body of a young child at the police barrack in Youghal, ‘doubled up in a basket, and covered with straw’. During his examination, the doctor noted ‘not a particle of food to be discovered in the stomach or intestines’, and ‘the total absence of a dispose or fatty matter’. The doctor’s harrowing conclusion was that the boy had died of starvation.

Thomas Miller was next to be called to the stand. Described as ‘a wretched, emaciated looking man’, I am sure he was fairly typical of the time when the poorest of the poor were starving. Miller, of Ring, Ballymacoda, then began his testimony to describe how this heartbreaking event had come about.

Miller, as he testified, had been employed by Mr. Gaggin of Greenland for the last 10 years, and since the onset of the famine, he had been receiving just eight pence a day, which was not enough to sustain his large family of six. He described struggling to feed his family, how his own malnutrition impeded his ability to do physical work, and mentioned having to beg for food from neighbors on occasion. He was forced to go begging to the Relief Committee in Ballymacoda and described how he had been brought by parish curate Rev. Eagar to the house of a woman in Ballymacoda who baked and sold bread and that he had been given two shillings worth of bread. In pure desperation for food, he also described his wife going out to cut Doolamaun (seaweed) and then boiling it with a little salt and eating it. The Miller family were living off this meal of seaweed in the days leading up to the death of the young boy. The references Miller makes here in his testimony to Mr. Gaggin of Greenland makes sense in the context of Ballymacoda. The Gaggin’s held extensive landholdings which they leased in the townland of Ring – much of which was a sublet of land which they had leased from the Marquis of Thomond, one of the main landlords in the area. Griffith’s Valuation of Ireland, completed for Cork in 1853, lists Gaggin’s extensive holdings in the townland of Ring. The newspaper clipping seen here also references the Miller’s home of Ring being ‘opposite Cable Island’, which was common spelling for ‘Capel’ Island at the time, so we can be sure the Millers were from Ballymacoda.

Southern Reporter and Cork Commercial Courier, Tuesday, 2nd February 1847

Thomas Miller’s wife, Johanna, was the last witness to be called at the inquest. Described as ‘a wretched looking poor woman, with a sickly infant at her breast’, she stated that the reason she was selling the corpse was ‘from want’. She recalled going to the landlord Gaggin and begging for a few turnips for her children to eat but being told that the last of them were in the boiler for the horses. Mrs. Miller described stealing some for her family to eat anyway and described how she would have ‘eat the cat from hunger’.

The Jury in the inquest having heard all the evidence ultimately returned a verdict of the boy having died of starvation.

I am certain that none of us today can truly imagine the scenario faced by the Miller family from Ring, Ballymacoda in 1847. They were driven to an insane act by pure desperation for food, and ultimately the desire for survival of themselves and their family. They, like so many others in East Cork and Ireland, had been entirely dependent on the potato to feed their large household and pay the rent. When the blight first arrived, they likely clung to what little savings they had, hoping the scourge would pass. But by the spring of 1847, nothing remained: the potatoes were spoiled, the livestock sold, the rent in arrears, and the children visibly wasting away from hunger.

This was during a dreadful period when the very fabric of rural Ireland seemed to tear at the seams, and a period that is certainly justified by its name of Black ’47.

References & Further Information

“So sad in themselves”: the impact of the Great Famine, RTÉ, available online at https://www.rte.ie/history/post-famine/2020/0909/1164237-so-sad-in-themselves-the-impact-of-the-great-famine/

Irish Potato Famine: A Tragic Chapter in Ireland’s History, History Cooperative, available online at https://historycooperative.org/journal/the-irish-famine/

Southern Reporter and Cork Commercial Courier, Tuesday, 2nd February 1847

Cork Examiner, Wednesday, 3rd February 1847

The Morning Chronicle, Thursday, 4th February 1847, Page 6

Ireland, Griffith’s Valuation, 1847-1864

From Stormy Seas to the Somme – The Jones Family Memorial in the Hill Cemetery

In the Hill Cemetery in Ballymacoda, there is a gravestone that commemorates Captain William Jones and other Jones family members such as his wife Annie, and his son Lieutenant Hugh M. Jones. The wording on this gravestone says that William Jones ‘perished at sea on March 22nd, 1902’ and also indicates that he was the Master of the S.S. Athena. He was in fact an experienced master mariner with a long career at sea. There is some evidence to suggest that Annie Jones (née Shanahan) was born in Ballymacoda, a daughter of Michael and Mary (née Cleary) Shanahan. This may explain why the Jones plot is in the Hill Cemetery and not in Youghal where the family lived.

William Jones was born in Caernarvonshire, Wales in circa 1844-45. He went to sea as a youth and earned his master’s certificate by the 1870s. He served as a captain in the Liverpool-based Holt Line (which traded as Blue Funnel Line). By 1902, he was 58 years old and had decades of navigation experience, including familiarity with the Cape Horn and Strait of Magellan routes, the routes required to transit between the Pacific and Atlantic oceans at the time.

Portrait of Captain William Jones

The home of William Jones and family in his later years was in Youghal, where the Holt Line had an office and where his family resided while he was at sea. The 1901 Census of Ireland shows Annie Jones and family residing at Friar St. in Youghal. Annie is listed as head of the household, and was very likely managing the family in her husband’s absence, with him away at sea. Born in 1859, four children are listed as being present in the census document: Bertram, aged 14, Hugh, aged 13, Henry, aged 11, and Margaret, aged 9. The household also included a servant, Catherine Keeffe. The family identified as Roman Catholic.

1901 Census of Ireland entry for the Jones Family in Youghal

Like many turn-of-the-century steamers, the S.S. Athena of which Captain William Jones was the master, was engaged in global trade routes. In early 1902, the Athena had been voyaging in the Pacific, and by March she was returning with cargo from Chile back toward the Atlantic. Because the Panama Canal did not yet exist (it would not open until 1914), ships transiting between the Pacific and Atlantic oceans had to brave the far south. One common route was through the Straits of Magellan, a navigable but complex passage through the Chilean Patagonia archipelago. Captain Jones chose this route (as opposed to the even more perilous Cape Horn) for the homeward voyage. This route, while offering some shelter from the open ocean, required threading through narrow channels dotted with islands and hidden rocks in an area often lashed by harsh and unpredictable weather.

On March 22nd, 1902, the Athena was wrecked. The ship encountered severe storm conditions and struck a submerged rock. According to survivor accounts, the Athena foundered in about half an hour after the collision. There was little time to send a distress call or organize a prolonged damage control; the crew had to immediately abandon ship as it became clear the steamer would sink. The wreck had a high loss of life. Approximately 20 of the 31 people on board were killed. Only 11 survivors (all crew members) managed to escape in a lifeboat and were later rescued and brought to Punta Arenas, Chile. The other lifeboat, under Captain Jones, capsized in the heavy seas, drowning all aboard.

Report of the wreck of the Athena, carried in The Savannah Morning News, April 3rd, 1902

After enduring the storm and drifting in the lifeboat, the remaining survivors were eventually sighted and picked up by a vessel. Details of the rescue are sparse in press reports, but it is recorded that 11 survivors from Athena’s crew were “landed at Punta Arenas” (the principal city of the Magallanes region) sometime after the wreck. At Punta Arenas, the survivors would have been received by local authorities and the British consul. It was from there that news of the disaster was telegraphed to the wider world. The survivors were given care after their harrowing ordeal; however, even among those 11 landed, some were in dire condition (it is implied the four who died of exposure passed before or just after the rescue, leaving 11 alive at landing).

Once in Punta Arenas, the men likely gave statements that formed the basis of inquiry into the wreck’s cause. From there the surviving crew eventually made their way home. This remote town in 1902 was a coaling station and hub for ships transiting the Strait, so passage back to Europe or at least to a larger port would be arranged, possibly on another British ship or via steamers to Montevideo or Buenos Aires. The disaster was widely reported in newspapers and maritime records of the time. News dispatches from South America described the wreck’s location and the fate of the crew. Survivor testimonies indicate the wreck was caused by navigational peril in a storm, rather than human error, given the treacherous waters.

Tragically, having gone down with the Athena, Captain Jones would never return to Cork – his body was not recovered. Today this gravestone in the Hill Cemetery in Ballymacoda stands in his memory and in memory to the story of the tragic end of the S.S. Athena.

Probate granted with regard to William Jones, his entire estate going to his widow Annie

Also commemorated on the Jones gravestone in the Hill Cemetery, is the son of Captain William Jones, Lieutenant Hugh M. Jones who was killed in action during the First World War. He was born on July 12th, 1888, and according to the 1901 Census of Ireland records as we have seen earlier, the then 13-year-old Hugh Jones lived at Friar Street in Youghal with his mother and siblings.

At the age of 15, Hugh embarked on a seafaring career, beginning as an apprentice aboard the square-rigged ship Greta in January 1904. His maritime journey continued in July 1905 when he joined the Eagle Brag, eventually achieving the rank of Able Seaman. By 1908, he was serving on the steamer Leno, from April to July of that year. Hugh’s dedication to his maritime profession was further evidenced when he earned his Second Mate’s certificate in Liverpool on October 9th, 1908. At that time, he listed his residence as “c/o Miss Forbes, Carlingford Street, Liverpool”. His official record described him as 5 feet 10 inches tall, with a dark complexion, light brown hair, and grey eyes.

Lieutenant Hugh M. Jones

Tragedy struck the family in March 1911 when Hugh’s mother passed away in Youghal, aged just 54. Her estate, valued at £1,342, was divided between her family. Nonetheless, Hugh’s maritime qualifications continued to progress. He obtained his First Mate’s Certificate in July 1911. In August 1913, he applied for his master’s certificate.

Before the outbreak of the First World War, Hugh was serving with the Holt Line, the same well-known Liverpool-based shipping company that his father had been employed with for many years before his death at sea. However, he soon decided to change course, leaving the sea to pursue a military career. Possibly due to his family’s connection to Liverpool through the Holt Line, he was commissioned as an officer in the 19th Battalion of The King’s Liverpool Regiment.

‘Youghal Man Gets a Commission’, Cork Weekly Examiner, Saturday October 31st, 1914

Hugh’s service in France began in November 1915 in the position of Battalion Signaling Officer. He was killed in action on July 30th, 1916, during the Battle of the Somme. His body was not found and identified after the war; however he is commemorated on the Thiepval Memorial, and on a plague in the Hill Cemetery in Ballymacoda.

Lieutenant Hugh M. Jones’s story is one of quiet determination, professional accomplishment, and ultimate sacrifice. From his early days as a seafarer to his decision to serve his country in a time of great need, his life reflects both the adventurous spirit and deep sense of duty that defined his generation. Though he now lies without a known grave – his name etched on the Thiepval Memorial in France, on the family headstone in the Hill Cemetery in Ballymacoda, and on a WW1 memorial plaque in the same cemetery – serve as poignant reminders of a young life cut short by war.

News of the death of Hugh M Jones, Liverpool Daily Post, Monday August 7th, 1916

There is a final interesting link between the Jones family and Ballymacoda that is worthy of mention. Annie Jones, the daughter of Captain William Jones & Annie Jones, and the sister of Hugh M. Jones married Justin Condon from Youghal. Their daughter, Annie Condon, married William Hennessy, native of Ballymacoda, and the noted ‘candy king’ of Cambridge & Boston in Youghal, on 24th January 1925.

References & Further Information

Historic Graves, CO-THBM-0003, record for the Jones Grave at the Hill Cemetery Ballymacoda

The Savannah Morning News, April 3rd, 1902

1901 Census of Ireland Records

Liverpool Pals Memorial Pages, Entry for Lieutenant Hugh M. Jones

‘Youghal Man Gets a Commission’, Cork Weekly Examiner, Saturday October 31st, 1914

Commonwealth War Graves Commission, Entry for Lieutenant Hugh M. Jones

News of the death of Hugh Jones, Liverpool Daily Post, Monday August 7th, 1916

William Hennessy, the ‘Candy King’ of Cambridge & Boston, Ballymacoda History Project, April 16th, 2021

The Coastguard in Ballymacoda

This is a draft chapter from my upcoming book – ‘The Ballymacoda History Project – Volume II’

Note: An earlier version of this draft made the case that the station attacked in 1867 was the station at Ring – this version doesn’t draw a conclusion based on the available evidence.

Early References

There was a coastguard presence in the Ballymacoda area for almost 100 years. The First Edition Ordnance Survey of Ireland (OSI) maps, show a reference to a ‘Coast Guard Watch’ near the location of where the coastguard station and cottages were later built in the townland of Ring. These maps were surveyed between 1829 and 1841, so it would suggest that this was the location of a coastguard presence even before the station and coastguard cottages as they exist today were built.

First Edition OSI Map (1829-1841) showing location of a ‘Coast Guard Watch’ in Ring

The later edition OSI map series (25-inch) show the coastguard station and cottages in the present location in Ring. This series of maps was surveyed between 1897 and 1913.

OSI 25-inch map series vs. recent satellite imagery

On both editions of the maps, a ‘Coast Guard Dock’ is noted. Today this would be near the slip down to Ring Strand.

In the first edition OSI maps,  a ‘Coast Guard Flag Staff’ is also present in the townland of Knockadoon (Warren), but there is no mention of an actual coastguard station in that location on either these first edition maps, or later versions. However, there is evidence of this location being thought of locally as the location of an actual coastguard station, such as a report carried in the Evening Echo in May 1979 as we shall see later.

‘Coastguard Flag Staff’ in the first edition OSI maps in the townland of Knockadoon (Warren)

As we shall see, there is some confusion over the location of the coastguard station which was attacked by the Fenian’s during the 1867 rising – was it the station in Ring, or the station in Knockadoon (Warren)?

The first reference we find to the coastguard station and cottages being built in the townland of Ring is in August 1865, when the tender to construct them was published in newspapers of the time by the Office of Public Works. The tender covered the construction of a coastguard watch house, a boat house, a residence for the Chief Boatman, and a set of cottages for four men and their families. Interestingly and perhaps leading to some confusion, the coastguard station is referred to as being ‘Knockadoon coastguard station’, even though technically we know it is in the townland of Ring.

Tender notice appeared in the Cork Constitution on Saturday August 19th, 1865

As we saw earlier, there is corroboration of a coastguard presence in Ballymacoda even before this in the OSI maps. Lewis’s Topographical Dictionary of Ireland, published in 1837, is another source which lists a coastguard station as being present in the parish of Kilmacdonagh, but doesn’t list a specific location. There is evidence of a Preventative Water Guard being based in Ballymacoda as early as the year 1823. This force, established in 1809, was essentially a British customs agency, and was tasked with combating the widespread smuggling that plagued coastal regions during this period. This force played a crucial role in safeguarding trade revenues by patrolling shorelines and intercepting contraband, particularly in areas like Ballymacoda and its surrounds, where the rugged coastline and proximity to key trade routes made it a hotspot for illicit activities. As a precursor to the coastguard, this force laid the groundwork for more organized and structured maritime law enforcement in the decades to come.

Seizure of tobacco by the Preventative Guard in Ballymacoda, Belfast Commercial Chronicle, November 1823

We can gain some insight into the day-to-day life and duties of the coastguard in Ballymacoda by delving into the numerous newspaper accounts from the late nineteenth century. These reports document everything from routine patrols and rescues to less common incidents where the coastguards were pressed into service as mediators or peacemakers. One particularly noteworthy callout occurred in 1883, when a group of coastguards found themselves summoned to a Knockadoon fishing boat to break up a lively brawl. The crew, it seems, had enjoyed an exceptionally successful day catching salmon but, in their enthusiasm, celebrated a bit too freely and became rowdy after one drink too many. This story highlights the multifaceted role of the coastguard: not only were they responsible for maintaining maritime safety and carrying out rescues, but they were also sometimes called upon to keep the peace. Another function of the coastguard was to salvage any valuable cargo from ships that had been wrecked, before the locals got to it!

Dublin Daily Express, Friday June 29th, 1883, Page 7

The 1867 Fenian Raid

A coastguard station in Ballymacoda, is of course most famously referenced as being raided for arms by Peter O’Neill Crowley and the Fenians during the 1867 uprising. As we have seen when I have written previously of O’Neill Crowley and the Fenian’s, the coastguard station was raided on the night of Shrove Tuesday, March 5th, 1867, as part of the general Fenian uprising. Some newspaper reports of the time even refer to this raid in Ballymacoda as being the first action of the rising in Cork. The objective of the raid by the Fenians was to secure arms, which they did. They also took the coastguards on duty as their prisoners, before releasing them sometime later unharmed. Later, the coastguards on duty that night were called to the trial of the men involved in the raid, including John McClure and Thomas Bowler Cullinane, to identify them and give evidence.

As I alluded to earlier, there is some apparent confusion as to which coastguard station was actually raided by the Fenian’s – in some references (which we will discuss accordingly), the coastguard station is referred to as being located in ‘Knockadoon (Warren)’, and in some ‘Knockadoon’. Confusion arises here, as anyone with local knowledge will be aware that these are two completely different townlands.

The Evidence for Knockadoon (Warren)

The book ‘Heritage Centenary Sites of Rebel County Cork’, published by the Heritage Unit of Cork County Council is one of the sources that refers to the station raided by the Fenian’s as being in the townland of Knockadoon (Warren). This book even contains a picture that purports to show ‘probable location of the coastguard cottages in the townland of Knockadoon Warren’. Another reference to the coastguard station being in the townland of Knockadoon (Warren), as opposed to Knockadoon/Ring is found in two articles of the Journal of the Cork Historical and Archaeological Society, one from 1969, and one from 1988, both by the same author, Walter McGrath. In both articles, it is mentioned when referring to David Joyce and Thomas Bowler Cullinane that the men “had raided Knockadoon-Warren coastguard houses under Peter O’Neill Crowley…”. However, the author gives no reference for this point. Yet another reference for the station being in Warren is contained in an article in the Evening Echo in May 1979. In this article, the same author mentioned above, Walter McGrath, travelled to Ballymacoda and met with local men Dave Ahern, Luke Beausang, and Martin Cunningham who brought him to the location in Warren where they believe the station existed. Martin Cunningham also shared a sketch that he had created earlier showing the coastguard station as he had remembered it as a boy in 1912:

The Evidence for Ring

Meanwhile, the National Built Heritage Service of Ireland is one of the sources that mentions Ring as the site of the Fenian raid. It records the coastguard station at Ring in its records, and mentions it as being the ‘site of a Fenian ambush in 1867’. There is further evidence that the station attacked was the station at Ring in this excerpt from an article in the Morning Post, published in London, a few weeks after the rising:

“Meantime the Ballymacoda column, consisting of some 60 or 70 farmers, farmers’ sons, and farm labourers, with here and there a small tradesman or an artisan from Youghal, had turned out and marched on the Knockadoon coastguard station. Knockadoon is a wretched little collection of hovels down the hill side at Knockadoon point, one of the headlands entering Youghal bay. A large new handsome coastguard station has been built on the side of the hill, and, it is worth noting at this moment, in such a situation that the whole range of the building is entirely commanded by the upper part of the hill at its back; but this building is not yet inhabited. The old station was a little thatched cottage, lying below the level and close to the road, and in which the chief boatman and his wife lived.”

The Morning Post Saturday, March 23rd, 1867, Page 6

If we consider the above in the context of the coastguard station in Ring – the description of the location, the mention of the station being ‘entirely commanded by the upper part of the hill at its back’, and also the mention of the station being new and not yet occupied – then this description fits with it being the coastguard station at Ring. As we have seen earlier, the tender to build the station at Ring was published in 1865 – and it was built where there was already a coastguard presence. The ‘old station’ referred to in the newspaper excerpt above could be what existed as the coastguard presence in Ring, before and even still during the time when the new coastguard watch house and cottages were being constructed. Having trawled other contemporaneous newspaper reports on the attack on the station, there is zero mention of Knockadoon (Warren) or anything that might suggest that the attack happened on a station in that townland.

Conclusion

I am on the fence as regards which coastguard station was attacked, and have not been able to reach a solid conclusion based on the available evidence. There is evidence for both. If we go with the historical record – the contemporaneous newspaper reports, the OSI maps, then it suggests that the station attacked was in Ring, and was the predecessor to what existed there as a coastguard presence before and during the time when the new coastguard station and cottages were built. The OSI maps clearly and irrefutably show a coastguard presence in Ring from their earliest versions. The newspaper reports of the time fit with the location being Ring.

If we go with references from author Walter McGrath, and the Cork County Council book referenced earlier, then it would suggest that the station was in Knockadoon (Warren). The evidence referenced by both of these seems to have come from local knowledge which existed but now is unfortunately impossible to verify accurately. The OSI maps for the location in Warren never listed a coastguard station, only a coastguard flagstaff. A coastguard flagstaff was a specific structure – typically a tall mast – used for signaling purposes. By hoisting different flags or signals, the coastguards could communicate with ships at sea or other stations along the coast. It is possible that this signaling mechanism existing in the townland of Knockadoon (Warren) in isolation of any coastguard station. The location makes sense in that it would be visible by ships along much of the coastline.

The Men who Served

The first Census of Ireland that recorded the members of the coastguard in Ballymacoda was the 1901 Census of Ireland. As we have seen before, most all census records before this have been lost. Through analysis of the 1901 Census records, we can get a sense of who the men who served in the coastguard station in Ballymacoda at that time were. None of the men were locals – they were either from elsewhere in Ireland, or from England. There were five coastguard men and their families living in Ring at the time of the census. These men were:

  • William Foot, aged 35, born in England
  • George Chandler, aged 36, born in England
  • Thomas Dunne, aged 31, born in Co. Waterford
  • Jeremiah Mehigan, aged 39, Co. Wexford
  • Robert Denham, aged 46, born in England

Their service in the coastguard station in Ballymacoda is also confirmed by each of their service records in the Royal Navy Registers of Seamen’s Services. In addition to the household census returns (Form A) for the men, which give us full details on the men and their families, also present for the townland of Ring is the submission of a Form H. This was the specialized form intended for use by military and police barracks. In the case of the Form H submission for the coastguard station, correct procedure was followed in that only the first letter of the men’s first and last names is noted. However, as the initials on Form H match perfectly the five men listed above, there is no mystery to their identity.

Entries on Form H for the Coast Guard Station in the 1901 Census

One of the most tragic stories relating to the coastguards in Ballymacoda is the death of a young infant at the coastguard station in 1883. This story was carried in the newspapers of the time, and reports that the eighteen-month-old died from drowning whilst sailing a toy boat in a bucket of water. If we step back to consider that this child likely hasn’t been thought about by anyone for over 140 years – let us pause to acknowledge and honor their memory for a moment now.

News of a tragedy at the coastguard station, carried in the Dublin Daily Express, Monday, December 17th, 1883

Closure

The closure of the coastguard station in Ballymacoda in November 1906 marked the end of an era for the local community – according to my research, there had been a coastguard presence in the area for up to 100 years at that point, including the presence of the predecessor to the coastguard, the Preventive Water Guard. Established to combat smuggling and ensure maritime safety, the station had been a fixture in the area for decades. Its closure was part of a broader reduction in coastguard services across Ireland and the United Kingdom during that period. Notably, in 1904, the Admiralty, under First Sea Lord Fisher, had already closed 35 coastguard stations as part of an economy drive, and by 1906, it proposed to close all remaining stations unless required specifically for Admiralty business. The news of the station’s closure was reported in contemporary newspapers, reflecting the significance of such developments to the public. The reduction in coastguard presence had implications for maritime law enforcement and search and rescue operations along the coast. The closure of the Ballymacoda station, along with others, signified a shift in British governmental priorities and resource allocation during the early 20th century. While specific details about the Ballymacoda station’s operations and the exact reasons for its closure may not be extensively documented, the broader context of coastguard reductions during this period provides insight into the challenges faced by coastal communities following the withdrawal of such essential services.

Mention of closure of the ‘Knockadoon’ station, carried in The Portsmouth Evening News, October 27th, 1906

References & Further Information

Tender notice appeared in the Cork Constitution on Saturday August 19th, 1865

Belfast Commercial Chronicle, November 8th, 1823, Page 4

The Morning Post Saturday, March 23rd, 1867, Page 6

1901 Census of Ireland

UK, Royal Navy Registers of Seamen’s Services, 1848-1939

The History of the NCI (Pre-1994), Available on the NCI Living History Website

Heritage Centenary Sites of Rebel County Cork, Heritage Unit of Cork County Council, 2016

Journal of the Cork Historical and Archaeological Society, 1969, Vol. 74, No. 219, page(s) 20­31, Convict Ship Newspaper, The Wild Goose, Re-discovered, by Walter McGrath

Journal of the Cork Historical and Archaeological Society 1988, Vol. 93, No 252, The Fenians in Australia, by Walter McGrath

National Built Heritage Service, Record for the Coastguard station at Ring, Ballymacoda – available on https://www.buildingsofireland.ie/

Fight in a Fishing Boat, Dublin Daily Express, Friday June 29th, 1883, Page 7

The Evening Echo, Article by Walter McGrath, May 4th, 1979

Dublin Daily Express, Monday, December 17th, 1883

Portsmouth Evening News, October 27th, 1906

Researching the Ballymacoda Village RIC Barracks

The Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC) was a police force established in Ireland in 1822 to maintain law and order in the country during the period of British rule. In East Cork, RIC barracks were established in towns and villages throughout the region to provide a visible presence of British rule. These barracks were typically located in the center of towns and were often the largest and most imposing building in the area. The RIC barracks dotted around East Cork played a significant role in the region during the War of Independence (1919-1921) and the Civil War (1922-1923). They were often targeted by Irish Republican forces, who saw them as symbols of British oppression. Many RIC barracks were burned or destroyed during this period, as the Irish sought to rid ourselves of occupation.

Ballymacoda, like other towns and villages in the RIC Cork ER (East Riding) area had an RIC barracks for a period, which was located in an area we knew as kids as ‘the barrack‘, located on what is now farmland at the top of the village. However, piecing together the history of the RIC in Ballymacoda has been challenging, and I’m still not convinced I have the fully story. In this article, I’ll outline my research up to now.

The first edition Ordinance Survey of Ireland (OSI) Maps, created by the Royal Engineers between 1829 and 1842, have no mention of a barracks in Ballymacoda village. As these maps listed all major buildings, services etc. it is highly unlikely that a barracks existed in the village at the point at which Ballymacoda was surveyed. However, these maps show the area in which the barrack existed, including the building very likely to be the barrack building itself.

First Edition OSI Map for Ballymacoda. Area in which the RIC barracks existed boxed in red.

The first historical reference to an RIC barracks in Ballymacoda I have found is in fact the announcement of the intention to establish a station at Ballymacoda in November 1841, which carried in the Cork Examiner.

Cork Examiner, November 26th 1841

In 1847 and 1848, the Cork Examiner again provides mention of a barracks in Ballymacoda. But does this provide evidence that it was present at this point, or that the intention still existed for the establishment of a barracks? In both of these years, the same notice is published regarding the intention to place one constable and four sub-constables in Ballymacoda. The language is slightly different to the 1841 notice, in that it doesn’t explicitly mention the establishment of a station, and in fact could be read as a request to augment an existing RIC presence. However, I don’t believe the latter to be the case – I believe at this point there wasn’t a station established in Ballymacoda, but the intention existed.

Cork Examiner, June 7th 1848. The same notice had appeared in 1847.

The next documented reference to the RIC barracks in Ballymacoda is a mention in Griffith’s Valuation of June 1853 for the civil parish of Kilmacdonogh, Barony of Imokilly, which mentions a police barracks present in the ‘Village of Ballymacoda‘. However, I don’t believe this is referring to a barracks in the village – it may be referring to the house occupied by the Lynch’s which was also previously an RIC barracks.

References to Police Barrack in Griffith’s Valuation, 1853

My hypothesis that no barracks existed in Ballymacoda village at this point is backed by the events of the March 1867 Fenian Rising – if a barracks existing in the village, why didn’t the Fenian’s raid that for the arms they sought – they raided the Coastguard Station in Knockadoon instead? A police barracks present in the village at that time would surely have been raided. Researching for some references to prove my hypothesis, I finally found one – an explicit reference to Ballymacoda village not having a police barrack at the time of the 1867 rising, which is some evidence to prove that no station existed up to at least 1867, but as we have seen, the intention to establish a station existed for more than 20 years at this point.

The Morning Post – Saturday 23 March 1867, which references no police barrack existing in Ballymacoda

The 1901 Census of Ireland brings us to our first solid historical reference that proves the existence of the RIC barracks in Ballymacoda. This contains an entry for the inhabitants of the barracks in Ballymacoda. One interesting find here is that the occupants of the barrack on the night of the census seem to have filled out both ‘Form A‘ (the general household return form) and also ‘Form H‘, which was the specialized form intended for military and police barracks. Names on ‘Form H‘ contain first and last name initial only, presumably due to the sensitivity of the information. Since we also have ‘Form A‘ for the Ballymacoda barracks in 1901, we have the information of those that were stationed there in March 1901 when the census was taken, which can be seen below.

Those serving at the RIC barracks in Ballymacoda in 1901

The archives of the ‘Constabulary Gazette‘ also provide some information about the happenings at the RIC barracks in Ballymacoda and provide further proof of its existence. This was the accredited newspaper of the RIC and the Dublin Metropolitan Police, and was published weekly from 1897 to 1922. Amongst other content, it contained general news like crimes committed in specific localities, death notices of former RIC members, and details of station transfers. For example, below we can see Constable transfers between the barracks in Ballymacoda and Killeagh.

Examples of Constable transfers from the ‘Constabulary Gazette’

Perhaps one of the more interesting items found in the ‘Constabulary Gazette‘ relates to an inquiry held in regard to individuals at the Ballymacoda Barracks in 1902, with charges of drunkenness whilst on duty being weighed against a Constable Leahy, and charges of dereliction of duty against a Constable Griffin.

Constabulary Gazette, November 22nd 1902

According to the outcome of the case, published in the November 29th 1902 issue of the Gazette, Constable Leahy was fined £1 10s, and Constable Griffin was dismissed from the force. In a subsequent update on the story, published in the Gazette in December 1902, Constable Griffin later emigrated to South Africa.

Constabulary Gazette, December 20th 1902

So when did the RIC barracks in Ballymacoda cease to exist?

There is some conflicting evidence here. Numerous newspapers (including the Cork Examiner) carried the below report of the station being closed in the summer of 1909. This also referenced the station was closing after ‘a period of twelve years‘, which would indicate that it opened in 1897.

News of the Ballymacoda barrack closure, May 1909

The 1911 Census of Ireland contains no entries for a barrack in Ballymacoda, as it did in 1901 as we have seen earlier. This would seem to indicate solid evidence that the barrack was closed by 1911, and indeed may have closed in 1909 as reported by the Cork Examiner and others.

One puzzling piece of evidence that conflicts with this, is that the last edition of the historic Ordinance Survey of Ireland (OSI) maps, as with earlier maps, show the location of the police barracks in the village – however since this is referenced as a Garda station, this would have to have been after 1923. After the Civil War and the July 1921 truce, the RIC was disbanded, and a new police force was established, initially called ‘The Civic Guard‘ before being renamed Garda Síochána na hÉireann on August 8, 1923. This may be an error, for example an assumption being made that a barracks still existed at this site based on earlier maps.

Last Edition of the Historic OSI Maps referencing a Garda Station in Ballymacoda

Another conflicting piece of evidence, is that much later, in 1932, there is a mention in a Dáil Éireann debate on Wednesday, 20th April 1932 by Cork South East Fine Gael TD, Brooke W. Brasier, of “…a number of reductions in Civic Guard barracks. A barrack at Ballymacoda has been done away with, and I believe a number of other reductions have been carried out by the ex-Minister for Justice.” One would clearly assume that the closure was recent to this statement being made in the Dáil, or this statement may have been made in error, there is no way to tell.

There is evidence that the reestablishment of a police barracks in Ballymacoda was desired. In the financial accounts of the Irish Department of Justice, there are references in the 1928-29 and 1931-32 accounts of this, with clear evidence of funding being sought for a new barracks in Ballymacoda (by then a barracks for An Garda Síochána). Both entries carry the note, ‘Work Postponed‘ with no funding allocated.

Budget allocation for new barracks in Ballymacoda in the 1931-32 accounts of the Department of Justice

Piecing together the history of the RIC barracks in Ballymacoda has proven challenging. From newspaper reports and official documents, we know that a barracks was desired in Ballymacoda as early as 1841. It seems likely that the barracks was not yet established by 1867; otherwise, it might have been targeted during the Fenian uprising. However, records confirm its existence in 1901, as shown in the 1901 Census of Ireland. Additional evidence appears in the RIC’s official publication, the Constabulary Gazette. Reports from the time suggest the barracks closed in 1909. While multiple sources confirm its presence, the precise timeline of its operation remains unclear.

References & Further Information

Ordnance Survey; First Edition; Six Inch to One Mile (1:10,560); County Cork, Sheet 78; Ballymacoda: Surveyed by Major Waters and Lieutenant Stace, Royal Engineers, under the direction of Thomas Larcom, Virtual Record Treasury of Ireland

Records of the Cork Examiner

Sir Richard Griffith’s Three Valuations of Ireland 1826-1864

National Archives of Ireland, Census of Ireland Records for 1901 and 1911

Archives of the Constabulary Gazette (1897-1922), National Library of Ireland

British Newspaper Archive

Dáil Éireann debate – Wednesday, 20 Apr 1932 Vol. 41 No. 3

Emigrant Stories: Thomas F. Russell

Taunton, Massachusetts, USA

Massachusetts emerged as a destination of choice for many Irish people in the 19th century due to numerous factors. Firstly, the state’s industrialization at that time offered many job opportunities, particularly in cities like Boston, where Irish immigrants found employment not only in the factories and the mills, but also in construction, domestic service, and the police and fire departments. In addition, Massachusetts had a well-established Irish American community that provided crucial support networks, including housing, work, and social connections, making the transition to a new country easier. The presence of the Catholic Church, which played a central role in Irish culture and identity, was also influential in attracting Irish immigrants to Massachusetts, where they freely practiced their faith. Thomas F. Russell from Ballymacoda was one of these such emigrants who made his way as a young man with his family to Massachusetts in the late 19th century.

Thomas F. Russell

Born in Ballymacoda in 1866, Thomas was the son of Thomas G. Russell (1843-1909) and Elizabeth ‘Betsey’ Quinn (1837-1912). Sources have listed Thomas as being born in 1867, but the Ballymacoda Parish baptismal records prove that he was born in 1866, as is evident from the record of his baptism, listed as having occurred on October 16th, 1866.

Baptismal record for Thomas Russell, with the names of his parents Thomas & Betty clearly visible

Even the gravestone of Thomas lists his birth year of 1867, but that does not seem to be correct based on the available parish records, which clearly show he was born and baptized in 1866. Thomas had five siblings – Elizabeth (1863-1942), Mary Jane (1864-1938), Michael (1869-1927), John (1871-1890) and Jeremiah (1874-1945). All were born before the family emigrated to the United States. The Russell family emigrated in 1882 when Thomas was about 15 years old, and settled in Taunton in Bristol County, Massachusetts, approximately 40 miles south of the city of Boston.

Thomas married Catherine ‘Kate’ Twiss in August 1890. At the time of their marriage, Thomas, aged 23, was a driver, and Kate, aged 20, was a mill operative. While from Providence, Rhode Island, Kate was the daughter of Irish emigrants Patrick & Kate Twiss. In the bustling streets of late 19th century America, it must have been an exciting time for the young Thomas & Kate, as they embarked on their journey in life surrounded by a vibrant tapestry of their fellow Irish expatriates, forging a path into an unknown future, where dreams probably seemed boundless in the ‘land of opportunity’. Thomas and Kate had three children – Lillian (1891-1897), Gertrude (1893-1983), and Thomas Leo (1894-1918). Lillian, their eldest child, tragically died of Meningitis while still very young.

The 1900 United States Federal Census shows Thomas, aged 33, living at 10 Russell Street in Taunton and listed as the head of the household. There is anecdotal evidence that Russell Street, which survives to this day in Taunton, was named as such because of the large number of families with the surname ‘Russell’ living there, but that is hard to verify as a fact. Thomas’s parents lived at nearby 6 Russell Street.

Today’s Russell Street in Taunton, Massachusetts

In the same 1900 Census document, Thomas’s wife Kate is also listed in the household along with John Twiss (Kate’s brother), and Thomas and Kate’s children Gertrude, then aged 7, and Thomas Leo (seen below), then aged 5. Young Thomas would later fight and die during World War 1. The Census document mentions that Thomas is a naturalized US citizen, and has been 18 years in the United States, which confirms the family’s emigration from Ballymacoda in 1882. Thomas’s occupation is shown as ‘Cloth Room’, which likely refers to a specialized section within a textile mill or factory where a variety of activities associated with fabric manufacturing took place.

A Young Thomas Leo Russell

In the 1910 United States Federal Census, Thomas, wife Kate, and son and daughter Thomas Leo and Gertrude are listed as living at the same address of 10 Russell Street in Taunton. However, Thomas now lists his age as 40, which doesn’t tally with his entry in the 1900 Census, or his actual birth year of 1866. Thomas lists his occupation as ‘Foreman’ and under industry lists ‘Car Barn’. A ‘car barn’ at the time was a building where trams, railroad cars, or buses were stored and maintained.

As often happens in life, tragedy struck Thomas and family in 1912. In April of that year, his wife Kate passed away suddenly at their home on 10 Russell Street due to a cerebral embolism. The grief must have been overwhelming, but fate had more sorrow in store just a few months later. In August, Thomas faced another devastating loss when his mother Betsey also died. She was 75 years old and lived just a few houses away at 6 Russell Street. This must have compounded Thomas’s sorrow, especially since his father had already passed away three years earlier in 1909. The series of losses likely left a lasting impact on Thomas, as he coped with the absence of the closest members of his family in such a short span of time.

Two years later, in April of 1914, Thomas found hope and companionship once more by remarrying. His second wife, Johanna O’Keefe, shared a similar background, being an Irish emigrant herself. Johanna was the daughter of Michael and Bridget O’Keefe, who had also made the journey from Ireland in search of a better life.

Around this time, the world was on the brink of World War I, the global conflict ignited by a complex web of factors, including rising tensions among the European powers, militarism, and the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand of Austria-Hungary and his wife Sophie, Duchess von Hohenberg, in Sarajevo on June 28th, 1914, by Bosnian Serb student Gavrilo Princip. America joined the war in 1917, and the Selective Service Act of 1917 required all American males aged 21-31 years (later 18-45 years) to register to be potentially selected for military service. Thomas Leo Russell fell into this age bracket and was required to register in the draft. At the time he was working as a silversmith for the Reed & Barton company in Taunton (Taunton was known as the ‘silver city‘, due to it being a historic center of the silver industry beginning in the 19th century). He was selected for service in the draft and enlisted into the US Army as a Private on September 20th, 1917, initially serving in Company F within the 302nd Infantry Regiment, which was part of the 76th Division. In February 1918, he was transferred to the 3rd Company of the March Automatic Replacement Draft at Camp Devens, a training and mobilization camp located in Massachusetts.

WWI draft registration card completed by Thomas Leo Russell, his home address of 10 Russell Street in Taunton is clearly visible.

Thomas Leo’s military record next indicates that he started training within the 2nd Infantry Training Battalion and later moved to the 7th Company within the 1st Infantry Training Battalion. On March 12th, 1918, he was transferred oversees to France, as part of the 23rd Infantry Regiment, 2nd Division.

Oversees Transfer Record for Thomas Leo Russell, Hoboken, New Jersey, March 1918

Just a few months into his oversees service, Thomas Leo Russell was killed in action on July 1st, 1918, during the Battle of Belleau Wood in Northern France, in which 1,811 United States soldiers were killed. He was buried in the Aisne-Marne American Cemetery nearby (Plot A, Row 2, Grave 6). Back home in Taunton, when Thomas Russell received the heartbreaking news that his only son had fallen in battle, he must have been engulfed by a sorrow so deep that words could hardly capture its depth. The future he had no doubt envisioned, brimming with dreams and aspirations for his child, was suddenly and irreparably shattered. The pain was undoubtedly compounded by the fact that his son was buried in France, with no possibility of repatriating the body. Knowing that his final resting place was so far from home must have added an additional layer of heartache.

The death of Thomas L. Russell, reported in the Boston Globe on October 1st, 1918

A few years later, in his entry for the 1920 United States Federal Census, it seems that Thomas again lists his age incorrectly, as 50 (younger than he is). In this Census, there is no mention of wife Kate – as mentioned earlier, she had passed away in April 1912, and Thomas had remarried Johanna. She is listed on the Census as Hannah. Thomas’s daughter Gertrude, now 26, is listed, now working as a grocery store attendant. In this census, young Thomas is also absent, having died during World War 1 as we have seen.

Thomas F. Russell died in Taunton on Monday March 28th, 1927. His obituary lists him as having died ‘following an illness of two weeks’ duration’. He was survived by his wife Hannah, and daughter Gertrude. He was buried in Saint Joseph Cemetery in Taunton, where his parents had been buried earlier. Hannah lived until 1955, and Gertrude passed away in 1983.

A long line of descendants from the Russell family, who emigrated from Ballymacoda in 1882, still resides in this part of the world today. The legacy of the Russell’s continues to thrive, with each generation no doubt maintaining the connection to their Irish roots. There is no evidence to suggest that Thomas ever returned to Ballymacoda during his lifetime. This raises a poignant question about whether any of his descendants have made the journey back to their ancestral homeland. It would be fascinating to know if any of them have traveled to Ballymacoda, perhaps to walk the same street their forebears once did. The idea of reconnecting with their heritage, experiencing the culture, and witnessing the land that their ancestors called home might be a compelling and emotional journey for the descendants of the Russell family.

The gravestone of Thomas F. Russell, Saint Joseph Cemetery, Taunton

Seen below, the grave of Thomas G. Russell and his wife Betsey in Saint Joseph Cemetery in Taunton, the parents of Thomas F. Russell. You can see the reference to Ballymacoda at the base, this was common at the time for emigrant graves to mention their home parish.

References & Further Information

1900 United States Federal Census

1910 United States Federal Census

1920 United States Federal Census

Ballymacoda Parish Baptismal Records

Haulsee, W.M., comp.. Soldiers of the Great War. Vol. I-III. Washington, D.C.: Soldiers Record, 1920.

U.S., Army Transport Service Arriving and Departing Passenger Lists, 1910-1939

U.S., Headstone and Interment Records for U.S., Military Cemeteries on Foreign Soil, 1942-1949

American Battle Monuments Commission, Details for Thomas L. Russell

Compensation Claims after the War of Independence and Civil War 

The Damage to Property (Compensation) Act 1923 was passed by the Oireachtas on May 12th of that year. The goal of this legislation was to facilitate claims for damages to personal property that occurred after July 11th 1921 – the date of the Truce between the Irish Republican Army and the forces of the crown, and up to March 20th 1923 – covering the period of the Irish Civil War also. In 1933, the act was amended to allow for claims for the period April 24th 1916 – May 12th 1923.

Ballymacoda and its surrounds were not exempt from damages during the war of independence and civil war, and I have been researching the records available in the National Archives of Ireland to examine what post truce claims were made by people from the Ballymacoda area. The records offer us a perspective on how the struggles affected the community, underscoring the real impacts on ordinary individuals. The claims that are recorded range from damage to property to the theft of clothing. The claims were administered by the County Court. For each claim, the name and address of the claimant was listed, along with details of the claim, the location of the incident, the date it occurred, and if possible the perpetrators were identified.

Below are the claims in the records for the Ballymacoda area. Interestingly, the events of three are listed as having occurred on the same date – January 30th 1923. On the this date, McLoughlin’s public house in the village was raided, clothes were stolen from a Mrs. Rumley, and Shanahan’s shop was raided for tobacco.

All claims that follow here are listed verbatim as they appear in the available records in the National Archives.

Norah K Neville O’Brien, Aghavine House, Ballymacoda, County Cork

Seizure and destruction of bicycle at Aghavine, County Cork, by unknown persons on 13 September 1920; damage to wall and destruction of trees at Aghavine, County Cork, on 6 November 1920; seizure of property, damage to wall and destruction of trees at Aghavine, County Cork, on 16 April 1921; damage to car and seizure of horse and trap at Aghavine, County Cork, by unknown persons on 24 June 1921; destruction of trees at Aghavine, County Cork, on 15 July 1921; damage to applicant’s land at Aghavine, County Cork, due to traffic between April 1921 and July 1921.

Elizabeth A McLoughlin, Ballymacoda, County Cork.

Raiding of public house and seizure of money by unidentified armed men on 30 January 1923.

Margaret Rumley, Ballymacoda, County Cork.

Seizure of clothes by unidentified armed men who said they were acting on behalf of Irregular forces on 30 January 1923.

John O’Donoghue, shopkeeper, Ballymacoda, County Cork.

Goods and provisions, including meals, liquor and 1 overcoat, seized at same address by the IRA between August 1921-April 1923.

Ellen Cashman, Ballymacoda, County Cork.

Provisions, including coal, tea, butter and drapery goods, seized at same address by the IRA in August 1922 and January 1923.

John Motherway, Ballycrenane, Ballymacoda, County Cork.

One bicycle seized at same address by the IRA in June 1921.

Mary Teresa Shanahan, shopkeeper, Ballymacoda, County Cork.

One side of bacon, cash and 2 buckets supplied at same address to the IRA in August 1922; premises raided and quantities of tobacco seized by the IRA on 30 January 1923.

George Glennon, Curraheen, Ballymacoda, County Cork.

One bicycle commandeered at Corralea, County Roscommon by armed men on 6 June 1922.

Michael Connery, Glenawilling, Ballymacoda, County Cork

Four tons of hay and 6 tons of straw burned and destroyed at Glenawilling, County Cork, by unknown persons on 17 March 1923.

William Wigmore, Ballydaniel, Ballymacoda, County Cork.

Destruction by fire of hay stocks by unknown persons on 14 July 1921.

Mary Linehan, Ardnahinch Post Office, Garryvoe, County Cork.

Damage to property and cattle driven from land at Ballydaniel, Ballymacoda, County Cork, by unknown persons from 25 November 1922 to 30 November 1922.

References & Further Information

National Archives of Ireland

Ballymacoda & The American Civil War

The more research I do for the Ballymacoda History Project, the more I am amazed at where people from Ballymacoda turn up. Among these surprising discoveries, the American Civil War stands out as a topic I never envisioned writing about. Yet, here I find myself, uncovering the intriguing tales of individuals from Ballymacoda who became entwined in this pivotal moment of American history.

The American Civil War (1861-1865), was a complex conflict which stemmed primarily from the divisive issue of slavery and the contrasting economic and social systems of the Northern and Southern United States. Slavery had been a contentious issue since the founding of the United States. By the mid-19th century, the Northern states had largely moved away from slavery, embracing industrialization and a more diversified economy. In contrast, the Southern states relied heavily on agriculture, particularly the plantation system powered by slave labor, which they believed was vital to their economic prosperity. As the country expanded westward, tensions escalated over the question of whether new states would be admitted as free or slave states, thus affecting the balance of power in Congress. The issue reached boiling point with the election of President Abraham Lincoln in 1860, a Republican opposed to the expansion of slavery. Southern states, fearing their way of life and economic system were under threat, began to secede from the Union and formed the Confederate States of America on February 8th, 1861. The war officially began in April 1861 when Confederate forces attacked Union-held Fort Sumter in South Carolina. The Union side fought to preserve the union of states and embraced the goal of ending slavery, while the Confederacy side sought to establish an independent nation where slavery could continue.

The links between the American Civil War and the 1867 Fenian Rising in Ireland are also worthy of discussion. These conflicts shared a significant connection, rooted in the dynamics of Irish nationalism and the transatlantic support it garnered. The Civil War’s conclusion in 1865 made available experienced soldiers, some of whom turned their attention to supporting the Fenians. A local example of this of course is the involvement of Captain John McClure, an American born veteran of the Civil War, in the raid on coastguard station at Knockadoon during the 1867 rising. You can read more about that in the previous article located here – ‘Peter O’Neill Crowley and the 1867 Fenian Rising‘.

It is estimated that 150,000 Irishmen fought in the American Civil War. It is amazing to consider these individuals, driven by a range of motivations (and sometimes by circumstance), leaving their homeland of Ireland behind and embarking on a new journey to a foreign land – did they think they would end up fighting in a Civil War? Whether driven by economic aspirations, a sense of duty to their adopted country, or a desire to combat injustice, these individuals forged a lasting legacy.

The following are the people from Ballymacoda I am aware of who fought in the war.

Michael O’Brien

Known of course as one of the Manchester Martyrs, O’Brien was also a hardened Civil War Veteran, the experience of which was extremely useful to the Fenian cause. In August 1862, O’Brien, then living in the United States, joined a Union Army regiment from New Jersey. Records available from the 13th New Jersey Infantry Regiment (Company E), confirm that O’Brien enlisted on August 14th 1862 with the rank of Private, for a period of 3 years. The same record also shows that he was discharged at Eckington U.S. Army General Hospital in Washington, D.C. on February 5th 1863, with the discharge noting ‘Disability‘ as the reason, which one would assume meant he was recovering from some injury received in battle. This seems to be confirmed in October 1864, when O’Brien signed up for the Union Army once again – this time for a period of 1 years service in the 10th Regiment of the Ohio Infantry. The official soldier roster for the Ohio Infantry, confirms this service, and that he was discharged at San Antonio, Texas on October 17th 1865, having completed his service.

Read more about Michael O’Brien’s life in the previous article on the Ballymacoda History Project, The Manchester Martyrs.

Entry for Michael O’Brien in the Official Soldier Roster, Ohio Infantry

John Ahern

John Ahern also fought on the Union side, with the 119th Regiment, Illinois Infantry (Company A). Thirty one years of age at the time, he joined up on August 1st, 1862 at Quincy, Illinois (where he lived), and was mustered in on October 7th. He fought for 3 years before being discharged from service on August 26th, 1865 at Mobile, Alabama. His official record mentions that he had been sent to a convalescence camp in Memphis, Tennessee on June 25th, presumably due to some injury received in battle.

Interestingly, the ‘missing friends‘ column of the Boston Pilot (of which I have wrote about previously here), had an appeal for John’s whereabouts from his sister Nora in 1874.

Boston Pilot, Volume 37, Number 48, 28 November 1874

Pat Hennessy

Pat Hennessy was born in Ballymakeigh, Ballymacoda in 1837. After emigrating to Canada in 1860, he later ended up in the United States. He enlisted in 1862 in the Union Army, and served in the 22nd Regiment, Illinois Infantry (Company B).

You can read more about Pat Hennessy life after the war, and his sad ending in the previously published article on the Ballymacoda History Project – ‘The Story of Pat Hennessy‘.

David Costine

David Costine enlisted in the Union Army on June 15th, 1861 in Illinois with the rank of Private, and became part of the 23rd Regiment, Illinois Infantry (Company B). Born in Ballymacoda in 1837, he was aged just 24 at the time, and was a resident of Earlville, Illinois.

He remained with the Illinois Infantry for the entirety of the war, achieving numerous promotions along the way. By the time he was discharged from service on July 24th, 1865 at Richmond, Virginia, he had achieved the rank of First Lieutenant.

David Costine married twice after the war. He died on 28th October, 1922.

Record of David Costine’s Pension Application – filed in August 1887

It is very likely there will be a follow up to this article, based on the volume of records to research, I may find more stories to tell about the involvement of those from Ballymacoda in the American Civil War.

References & Further Information

Thanks to Kay Cullen for sharing her research notes with me

U.S., Civil War Soldier Records and Profiles, 1861-1865

U.S., Civil War Pension Index: General Index to Pension Files, 1861-1934

Illinois, U.S., Databases of Illinois Veterans Index, 1775-1995

Soldier Details, US National Park Service, David Costine

Soldier Details, US National Park Service, John Ahern

Soldier Details, US National Park Service, Michael O’Brien

Soldier Details, US National Park Service, Patrick M. Hennessy

A Short History of Knockadoon Camp

Knockadoon Camp’s origins trace back to Béal Átha an Ghaorthaidh (Ballingeary), located on the opposite side of County Cork. It was there, in 1922, that Father Stephen Glendon, a Dominican from St Mary’s Dominican Priory in Cork City, initiated an Irish language summer camp exclusively for young men and boys. The camp operated in its original location for two years before relocating to Knockadoon in 1924. The decision to move was influenced by the camp’s desire to be closer to the sea. Being situated near the coast provided opportunities for various water-based activities and added to the overall appeal of the camp experience.

Boys from Christian Brothers College Cork attending Knockadoon in July 1960

The camp in its original form was an adjunct to a confraternity for young men and boys in their late teens called the Angelic Warfare Sodality (a sodality essentially being a group of people who promise to pursue some good together within the Church). Fr. Stephen Glendon O.P. was the founder and first Director of the camp at Knockadoon. He was born Henry Stephen Glendon in Dundalk, Co. Louth, on May 13th 1866. He entered the Dominican order at Tallaght in 1887, and was ordained in Rome in 1892. After spending a few years in Lisbon, he arrived back in Dublin in 1894 and ministered at St. Saviour’s Church. He left Dublin in 1907, and served in Galway, Sligo and Tralee before being placed in Cork.


Advertisement for Knockadoon Camp appearing in ‘An tÓglach’ in July 1925 (magazine of the Irish Defense Forces)

The original camp was setup to cater for young men and boys aged 12 years and over. The aim was to give attendees the experience of the outdoors and being close to nature. Attendees at the camp were asked to bring towels, a bathing costume, and soap. Hurls were allowed if the attendees wanted to bring them, as were musical instruments, and bicycles for which a store was available. The cost per person was 3s per day, and the minimum stay at the camp was 1 week. Through an arrangement between the camp and Great Southern Railways and Great Northern Railways, special concessions were available on tickets for campers, on issue of a voucher signed by the Director of the Camp. The nearest railway station was Killeagh, and each Saturday a charabanc (a horse-drawn, early form of a bus) would meet the train in Killeagh to collect campers, for which they were charged one shilling.

An early group of campers at Knockadoon, from the archive of Vincent Travers

As you would expect of a Dominican run camp, promotion of the Catholic ethos was a key aim, and campers were expected to attend mass each morning at 08.30am in the oratory of the camp, as well as participating in the saying of the Holy Rosary daily. Confession was also available to campers.

An open day at the camp in 1930

Campers were given three meals a day in the dining hall, and porridge and milk was available to everyone each night before the regular Cèilidh. It is interesting to note that food wasn’t restricted at the camp – anyone wishing to have more than usually allocated, was allowed. At this time, all the campers slept in tents, each in their own bed. In bad weather, the campers slept in a large dormitory. There were also a limited number of timber bungalows used for sleeping.

The camp in July 1960, the tents used as dormitories are clearly visible here

‘Sanitary Arrangements‘ at the camp were described as ‘perfect‘ in camp literature. With the latrines ‘erected in a secluded corner on the edge of a cliff‘ and ‘flushed by the tide‘. Not surprising for the time, but this setup wouldn’t be described as ‘perfect‘ today!

Original timber bungalows at the camp, these were used up to 1986 when they were replaced with concrete structures

Upon its relocation from Béal Átha an Ghaorthaidh to Knockadoon, the camp underwent changes in its language program. The previously compulsory Irish language classes were eliminated, and instead, campers were encouraged to engage in conversation using the Irish language as much as possible during their time at the camp. Despite the removal of mandatory classes, fostering Irish culture and language continued to be a significant objective. Each night, a Cèilidh was held in the camp hall, or if weather permitted, an open-air Chuirm Cheoil around the camp fire. Attendees at the camp were also given the option to learn traditional Irish singing.

The main activities at the camp at this time were swimming, boating, hurling and football games, and picnics and excursions to local areas of interest such as Capel Island (with the help of local fishermen). While the aim of the camp was to provide a relaxed atmosphere, discipline was maintained, with early camp literature mentioning that ‘the right is reserved to send home any boy whose influence is deemed harmful‘.

Thousands of boys from all over Ireland attended the camp in the 1920s after its founding – over 400 in 1928 alone. The camp in the 1920s was also used by the Dominican Order for other purposes. Notably, William Shakespeare’s The Merchant of Venice was staged at the camp in the summer of 1926.

Announcement of the staging of The Merchant of Venice at Knockadoon, this carried in the Cork Examiner, July 29th, 1926

Knockadoon Camp in its initial existence continued to flourish until 1933, when the driving force, Fr. Glendon, was transferred to Galway. Between the end of the 1933 season and 1955, only small groups used the camp. With World War 2 also occurring during this period, the camp was fully closed due to rationing of goods during ‘the emergency‘ as it was called in Ireland, and also the risk of the camp being mistaken for a military post.

Headline from Cork Examiner article announcing the full reopening of the camp, Friday June 17th, 1955

In the 1980s, some investment at the camp saw the building of concrete structures to replace the existing timber bungalows.

Building of new accommodation in progress in 1985

The ‘New Hall‘ was also constructed in 2006, adding more space for activities, and 2023 is seeing refurbishments of the bunkhouses take place.

New buildings completed in 1986. The building in the foreground, one of the original timber bungalows, was known as ‘Little House on the Prairie’ and was left intact to be used as an art room

Today, Knockadoon Camp is used for multiple different camps throughout the summer season, and offers a diverse range of activities and programs for campers, including sports, arts and crafts, drama, music, dance, and outdoor adventures. The camp relies on a dedicated team of volunteers who contribute their time and efforts to make it a success. These volunteers, often former campers themselves, play a vital role in organizing activities, providing guidance, and creating a positive and inclusive atmosphere.

Coláiste Cúram, established in 1975, is a three-week program that has been nurturing a deep appreciation for the Irish language and culture among young people. It has remained an integral part of the camp’s annual summer schedule ever since, except for the years 2020 and 2021 when the camp had to be closed due to the Covid-19 pandemic.

Knockadoon Youth Week (KYW) is another staple of the summer schedule at the camp. This has run since 2011, and now runs over four separate weeks each summer and has 100s of volunteer leaders from all over Ireland, many of them previous attendees of the camp.

Camp Creideamh, established in 2016, is a catholic faith camp for boys and girls which runs for one week in June each year.

Knockadoon Music & Liturgy Course has also been a regular part of the summer in Knockadoon for 40 years. This is a one week residential course for young people involved in church music.

Since 1999, the camp has also been used by the Society of Saint Vincent de Paul during the summer to host groups of children.

Over the years, Knockadoon Camp has evolved into a cherished institution, offering young people the chance to immerse themselves in Irish culture, language, and various recreational activities. The camp has had a significant impact on the local community and beyond. It has served as a place for young people to connect, learn, and grow, fostering lifelong friendships and memories. Many campers return year after year, and some become volunteers or leaders, further contributing to the camp’s legacy.

Overall, Knockadoon Camp has a storied history of promoting Irish culture, faith, language, and personal development. Its inclusive and engaging environment has ensured that attendance remains a lifelong memory for the generations of young people from across Ireland who have attended over the years. We are lucky to have it in our locality.

References & Further Information

A special word of thanks to Billy Harrington, who provided many of the photographs and newspaper clippings used in this article

Knockadoon Camp Website

Coláiste Cúram Website

Knockadoon Music & Liturgy Course

Knockadoon Youth Week

Jerry Aher: A Fenian’s Story

Previously writing on the Ballymacoda History Project, I have covered the 1867 Fenian rising and the involvement of Ballymacoda men Peter O’Neill Crowley and Thomas ‘Bowler’ Cullinane. In this post I’ll delve into the story of another contemporary of O’Neill and Cullinane – Jeremiah (Jerry) Aher – who as well as being involved in the raid on the Coastguard station during the rebellion, was also later associated with one of the most famous Fenian prison breaks of the time – the Catalpa rescue.

Photograph of Jerry Aher, taken after his deportation to Australia

Some records list Jeremiah Aher as being born in Ballymacoda in 1841, but he was more than likely born in 1844. This is corroborated by:

  1. Parish records – there is a Jeremiah Aher listed as being baptized on September 4th 1844.
  2. The 1867 Irish prison register – Jeremiah Aher is listed as being 23 years old in 1867, at the time of his arrest for participation in the Fenian rising.
  3. The 1882 California voter register (where, as we will see later, Jeremiah lived for many years), lists his age as 38, again pointing to a birth year of 1844.

Jeremiah was the son of William Aher and Mary Crowley, and it was through his mother that he was a cousin of the aforementioned Peter O’Neill Crowley, who led the rising locally in 1867. Jeremiah had four brothers – John, Timothy, Thomas and William, and two sisters – Johanna and Mary.

The raid on the coastguard station at Knockadoon took place on the night of the Fenian rising – Tuesday March 5th, 1867. The raid, in which Aher, Cullinane and others were involved was led by O’Neill Crowley and John McClure, an American born veteran of the Civil War. The primary goal of the operation was to secure arms, and it was successful, with John Devoy calling it “the neatest job done by the Fenians in the Rising“. While the raid in Ballymacoda was successful, the rising nationally was ultimately a failure and as we have seen previously O’Neill Crowley met his fate at Kilclooney Wood on the morning of Sunday March 31st, three weeks after the rising.

Jerry Aher was tried along with the other captured Fenian rebels in Cork and was convicted of treason on May 2nd 1867. He was sentenced to 7 years penal servitude. While they were awaiting trial, Aher and many other Fenian prisoners were held in Mountjoy jail in Dublin.

Reports of the sentencing of some of the Fenian prisoners, including Jerry Aher, which carried in English newspapers after the rebellion.

He and his fellow convicts were deported first to England, to be held in the infamous Millbank prison in London (now the site of the Tate Britain gallery), which was used as a holding area for those awaiting deportation to Australia. Aher and the other prisoners were held at Millbank until October 1867. His prisoner record from Millbank actually lists him as being removed from there on September 30th, and also records a visit from his father. After Millbank, they were to be deported to Western Australia aboard the prison ship Hougoumont.

The voyage of the Hougoumont lasted 89 days, with the vessel arriving in Western Australia on January 10th 1868, and was of particular historical significance in that it was the last convict ship to carry Irish prisoners to Australia. David Joyce (from the Garryvoe area) and Edward Kelly were aboard the same ship, as well as Thomas ‘Bowler’ Cullinane. The Fenian prisoners, 62 of the 289 convicts that arrived aboard Hougoumont, were taken to Fremantle Prison, and Jerry Aher became convict number 9645. Conditions for the men in Fremantle Prison were very poor. When not completing back-breaking labor, or seconded to work parties assigned to the hard labor of road building in searing temperatures around Fremantle, the Fenian prisoners were confined to their small cells. Before the rising and his arrest, Jerry Aher had been a carpenter and his skills were put to use in the colony.

From the Perth Gazette and West Australian Times, announcing the arrival of the Hougoumont, January 17th 1868

Aher’s prison record lists multiple disciplinary actions during his stay in Fremantle, all occurring in February and March 1869. On February 3rd 1869 he was sentenced to 7 days bread and water for ‘mutinous conduct‘. He was sentenced to the same punishment again on February 19th and March 6th for ‘refusal to work‘. On March 20th, he was sentenced to ‘indefinite solitary confinement‘, again for ‘refusal to work‘. It is not clear how long he remained in solitary.

In early May 1869, Aher and other Fenian prisoners were granted an official pardon, signed by the British Home Secretary, Henry Austin Bruce. This was largely due to the sustained campaign for a Fenian amnesty at home in Ireland. Records show that Jerry Aher received a free pardon on May 15th.

While some of the Fenian prisoners left immediately, for example as in the case of Thomas ‘Bowler’ Cullinane who left for Sydney soon after their pardon, Jerry Aher stayed on in the Perth/Fremantle area. In 1873, he met and married Mary Ann Brennan, herself an Irish emigrant. Their first son, William Joseph Aher was born in July 1874. In the next phase of Jerry Aher’s life, he would participate in one of the most daring Fenian prison breaks of the time, the Catalpa rescue.

With the Fenian pardons issued in 1869, and another round in 1871, only a small number of Fenian prisoners – those deemed most militant by the British – remained in captivity. One of those was James McNally (also known by his alias James Wilson), a Fenian from Newry, Co. Down. McNally had a letter smuggled out of the prison and sent to John Devoy in America. Devoy, an ardent Fenian, had himself been granted amnesty in England in 1871 on the condition that he emigrate to America and never return.

Dear Friend, remember this is a voice from the tomb. For is not this a living tomb? In the tomb it is only a man’s body that is good for worms, but in the living tomb the canker worm of care enters the very soul. Think that we have been nearly nine years in this living tomb since our first arrest and that it is impossible for mind or body to withstand the continual strain that is upon them. One or the other must give way. It is in this sad strait that I now, in the name of my comrades and myself, ask you to aid us in the manner pointed out… We ask you to aid us with your tongue and pen, with your brain and intellect, with your ability and influence, and God will bless your efforts, and we will repay you with all the gratitude of our natures… our faith in you is unbound. We think if you forsake us, then we are friendless indeed.

Letter from James McNally to John Devoy, which prompted the Catalpa Rescue

Devoy consulted with other exiled Fenians in America – John Boyle O’Reilly, himself an escapee of the same prison colony in Australia which held the remaining Fenian prisoners, and Thomas McCarthy Fennell, a Fenian who had left the colony after being pardoned in the 1871 amnesty. All were members of Clan na Gael. It was Fennel who suggested that a ship be purchased and sailed to Australia to rescue the remaining imprisoned Fenians. The rescue was funded by Clan na Gael. What they purchased was the Catalpa, a three-masted merchant bark, 90 foot long, and the ship sailed for Australia from New Bedford, Massachusetts on April 19th, 1875, as a legitimate whaling expedition, under Captain George S. Anthony. Most of the crew were unaware of the real intent of the voyage. In parallel with the sailing of the Catalpa, Devoy had enlisted two Fenian agents to travel to Western Australia – John Breslin and Thomas Desmond – to begin preparations in advance of the arrival.

Illustration of the Catalpa and the Fenian prisoner escapees

Jerry Aher had secured work as a carpenter, and encountered Desmond who told him of his mission in Western Australia – that is how he became involved in the Catalpa rescue. While there is no information available on exactly how Jerry Aher contributed, his local knowledge and contacts were no doubt invaluable to the Fenian agents and the overall escape plan. On March 29th, 1876 the Catalpa berthed at Bunbury, Western Australia, and Captain Anthony along with Breslin and Desmond, who had met the ship on arrival, sailed for Fremantle on board the steamer Georgette. The plan was to secure escape of the remaining Fenian prisoners while they were part of a work party, and this was executed successfully. Having been pursued for a time by the authorities, the Fenian prisoners and the Catalpa eventually escaped, and the men were finally free. The Catalpa sailed triumphantly into New York in August 1876, carrying the escaped Fenian prisoners.

In May 1876, passenger records show that Jerry Aher sailed for Melbourne with his wife and child onboard the Northern Light. Later that year he travelled to San Francisco, California, where he settled permanently. This is corroborated by multiple items if historical evidence. The 1880 United States Federal Census shows Jerry Aher living at 38 Larkin Street, in San Francisco. His occupation is given as ‘House Carpenter‘, which indicates he once again fell back on his pre-rising/incarceration occupation. The 1882 Voter Register for California, shows that he became a naturalized US citizen on February 27th, 1882. Twenty years later, the 1900 United States Federal Census shows the Aher family living at 1411 Bush Street in San Francisco, and at 158 20th Avenue in the 1910 Census.

I have found no records to indicate that Jerry Aher ever returned to Ballymacoda.

Jeremiah Aher in later life, pictured with his wife and three sons

Jerry Aher died in California on January 29th 1926, having lived an extraordinary life. He was buried in Holy Cross Catholic Cemetery in Colma, San Mateo County. Mary Ann died on December 28th 1930.

The grave of Jerry Aher, in Holy Cross Catholic Cemetery in Colma, San Mateo in California. Unfortunately the gravestone is in a state of disrepair today.

References & Further Information

Amos, K., The Fenians in Australia, 1865-1880, Sydney, 1988

Australian Convict Transportation Registers – Other Fleets & Ships, 1791-1868

Ballymacoda & Ladysbridge Parish Records, Entry for baptismal of Jeremiah Aher, September 4th, 1844

Ireland, Prison Registers, 1790-1924

Millbank Prison Record for Jeremiah Aher – UK, Prison Commission Records, 1770-1951

Fremantle Prison Convict Database

Australia, Marriage Index, 1788-1950

The San Francisco Examiner, San Francisco, California, Tuesday, December 30, 1930 (Obituary for Mary Ann Aher)

1880 United States Federal Census

California, U.S., Voter Registers, 1866-1898

1900 United States Federal Census

1910 United States Federal Census

Biography of Jeremiah Aher, State Library of Western Australia, JS Battye Library of West Australian History Collection

The Dungarvan Observer, April 17th, 1926 (republished obituary of Jeremiah Aher under the heading of ‘Death of Old Fenian in San Francisco’)